Voting Behaviour

This study investigates how protest attitudes and ideological considerations affected the 2019 election results in Belgium, and particularly the vote for the radical right-wing populist party Vlaams Belang (VB) and for the radical left-wing populist party Partij van de Arbeid-Parti du Travail de Belgique (PVDA-PTB). Our results confirm that both protest attitudes and ideological considerations play a role to distinguish radical populist voters from mainstream party voters in general. However, when opposed to their second-best choice, we show that particularly protest attitudes matter. Moreover, in comparing radical right-and left-wing populist voters, the paper disentangles the respective weight of these drivers on the two ends of the political spectrum. Being able to portray itself as an alternative to mainstream can give these parties an edge among a certain category of voters, albeit this position is also difficult to hold in the long-run.

We provide the first individual-level test of whether holding supranational elections in the European Union fosters satisfaction with European Union democracy. First, we examine whether participation at the European Parliament election fosters satisfaction with democracy and whether, among those who participated, a winner-loser gap materializes at the EU level. Second, we examine under which conditions participating and winning in the election affect satisfaction with European Union democracy, focusing on the moderating role of exclusive national identity. Our approach relies on panel data collected during the 2019 European Parliament elections in eight countries. We demonstrate that while participating and winning increase satisfaction, such positive boost does not materialize among those with exclusive national identity. These findings hold an important message: elections are no cure to deep-seated alienation.

This paper provides a comprehensive analysis of the 2020 and 2025 general elections in Jamaica, examining the socio-political context, campaign strategies, voter turnout and demographics, election results, and post-election developments. The 2020 election, dominated by the COVID-19 pandemic, resulted in a decisive victory for the Jamaica Labour Party (JLP), which secured 49 of the 63 parliamentary seats, reflecting public confidence in the party's crisis management, economic initiatives, and leadership competence. Voter turnout was moderate, with urban constituencies demonstrating higher participation, while rural areas and younger voters remained less engaged. Post-election developments focused on economic recovery, social welfare, public health, and parliamentary oversight. In contrast, the 2025 election took place in a post-pandemic context, with a focus on economic recovery, transparency in governance, combating corruption, and implementing social reform. The election produced a narrow JLP victory, with 33 seats compared to the People's National Party's (PNP) 30, highlighting growing competitiveness and voter scrutiny of performance and accountability. Targeted campaign strategies, digital media engagement, leadership credibility, and constituency-level mobilisation were pivotal in shaping outcomes. Gender and generational dynamics revealed incremental progress yet ongoing challenges in political inclusion. Post-election governance in 2025 emphasised economic stabilisation, social program implementation, and strategic parliamentary negotiation. The comparative analysis underscores the evolution of Jamaica's political landscape, the significance of leadership perception, demographic and geographic determinants of voter behaviour, and the role of policy performance in shaping electoral outcomes. These findings provide critical insights into electoral dynamics, democratic accountability, and governance strategies in contemporary Jamaica.

In this contribution, we focus on the role of euro-scepticism in electoral outcomes of national elections. We do so through multilevel multinomial modelling on high-quality cross-national European data to explain voting for different party families. We distinguish voting for far leftwing parties, far right-wing parties, as well as non-voting, versus voting for the other parties. First, we focus on social cleavages related to voting. We test for the effects of traditional cleavages related to educational attainment, social class, income and religiosity on voting preferences. Second, we take diverse socio-political attitudes into account, previously proposed to determine voting preferences. We test whether political euro-scepticism affects voting preferences over and beyond these attitudinal determinants. We find that political euroscepticism and distrust in the European Parliament contribute to the explanation of extreme political preferences. These effects hold after controlling for a general left-right dimension. Moreover, euro-scepticism explains why lower income categories and lower educated people are more likely to vote for the far right-wing.

This paper examines why the support of independent local parties has grown substantially in the Netherlands. These are parties that run in municipal council elections, but do not run in elections at higher levels, specifically the national level. Such parties saw their support double in the Netherlands between 1986 and 2010. Parties of this type have also grown in other Western European states. This paper examines two possible explanations: declining political trust on the level of voters and, on the supply side, the rise of parties that are not rooted at the local level. The evidence shows that the rise of independent local parties reflects the rise of national political parties that do not run in many municipal elections. This article examines the case of the Netherlands, pooling five surveys from the 1986-2010 period.

The media is the Fourth Pillar of a democratic society. It works as a watchdog over the legislative, executive, and judicial systems of the government. The media's fair and unbiased reporting is essential for the smooth and better functioning of a democratic setup. The media, which once functioned as mere channels of communication within the election process, have now emerged as independent power centres operating 'autonomously, according to its own economic and symbolic logics'. The capacity of the media to set political agendas, which has been defined as the 'assignment of special relevance to one particular issue or set of information by the source of the message' with the expectation that the audience will respond with heightened attention to the content and format of the message has also been noted. The broad aim of the present paper was to explore the current academic literature in the field of Mediatization of Politics and Political discourse in India. Hence, this study looked into the following problems, through which we try to find out how media affect society in terms of political discourse especially during the elections and secondly we will also try to find out how opinion polls or elections surveys help to enhance political awareness of voters and how it affects their voting behaviour during elections.

The primary goal of this study is to explain the voting behavior
of the electorate in Albania by analyzing the eventual impact of socio-structural factors/political cleavages on their electoral choices, as well as their political party closeness and loyalty as voters. The identification, measurement, and analysis (on a national level) – in a systematic and integrated manner - of a large number of variables related to social structure and political cleavages within society and their eventual impact on the political behavior of the Albanian voter, best encapsulates this
goal, which we also reflected in the title of the book: “The Social Basis of Voting in Albania: The Impact of Structural Social Factors and Political Cleavages in Determining the Vote of the Albanian Electorate”, or in the general research question of the study: Who votes for whom and why? In this sense, our study will focus on the impact (or lack thereof) of a series of predispositions that may exert the components of the social structure of society and the political cleavages (which split citizens along various lines of division/conflict, such as economic, social, historical, geographical, or cultural) on the electoral choices of Albanian voters.
The general objectives of the study can be summarized as follows:
• To identify and collect data for measuring the independent variables (related to components of the social structure of society and political cleavages) and the dependent variables of the study (the party voted for in the parliamentary elections of April 25, 2021, the party to which the individuals feel closer, their loyalty as voters or lack thereof to specific political parties).
• To provide a comprehensive empirical dataset for measuring each of these variables/dimensions, which can serve as a source for further analysis and studies by other researchers in this field (electoral studies).
• To analyze and explain the relationship between different components of the social structure (such as gender, rural-urban residence, education level, religious affiliation, employment sector, income level, etc.) and the party preferences of the Albanian electorate.
• To explain whether (belonging to) social class plays a role or not in the electoral choices of Albanian voters. Likewise, to determine the class structure of voters who support specific political parties in Albania.

O comparere a voturilor comunitare la preziden'iale din România 2025 indică faptul că dezvoltarea localității, capitalul ei de urbanizare și tipologia votului comunitar au fost familiile de factori care au acționat în ambele tururi. S-a schimbat, însă relația dintre votul comunitar și factori. Toate constatările sunt formulate la nivel de unitate administrativ teritorială, ăn logica unor inferențe ecologice, nu a unor erori de extindere a regularităților ecologice la nivel individual. Draftul 1 al materialului este disponibil la https://www.contributors.ro/relatii-intre-votul-comunitar-si-determinantii-saila-alegerilor-prezidentiale/

Textul analizează relațiile dintre opțiunile de vot la prezidențialele din 4 mai 2025, la nivel de unități teritorial administrative, și profilul socio-cultural al acestor unități teritoriale. Datele analizate susțin pe deplin ipotezele referitoare la concordanța între nivelul mediu de educație din comunitate și profilul educațional al candidatului pentru care se optează, plus ipoteza votului condiționat de tradiția de votare din comunitate.

In “The Myth of the Rational Voter” Brian Caplan shows that voters entertain systematically biased beliefs on a number of essential issues of economic policy and concludes that this leads democracies to choose bad policies. We introduce the psychological concept of mental models to address voters’ naive reasoning about the economy and thereby explain the persistent bias in beliefs. Next, we develop a game-theoretical model to show that this does not automatically lead to bad policy choices. The model formalizes Caplan’s thought experiment No. 4 by introducing endogenous party valence to a model of probabilistic voting. In so doing, we provide an investigation of when good policies are chosen in democracy. Based on our findings, we discuss the impact of different political institutions on economic outcomes.

Zajmuje się mechanizmami komunikowania politycznego, psychologicznymi aspektami komunikacji społecznej i zachowaniami politycznymi (uwarunkowania aktywności politycznej i społecznej), kształtowaniem wizerunku i autoprezentacjami, stylami komunikowania się, strategiami marketingowymi i PR). Autorka publikacji naukowych na temat komunikacji politycznej, personalizacji polityki i zachowań wyborczych. Trener komunikacji interpersonalnej. Ekspert Polskiej Komisji Akredytacyjnej w dyscyplinie nauki o polityce, członkini Polskiego Towarzystwa Komunikacji Społecznej oraz Komitetu Nauk Politycznych

As the public debate over stem cell research continues, the observable voting behaviour in Switzerland offers a unique opportunity to compare the voting behaviour of politicians with that of voters. In this paper, by analysing the outcomes of a referendum on a liberal new bill regulating such research, we reveal an almost 10 percentage point lower probability of the bill being accepted by politicians than by a representative sample of voters. Whereas the politicians' behaviour is driven almost entirely by party affiliation, citizen votes are driven not only by party attachment but also by church attendance. Seldom or never attending church increases the probability of bill acceptance by over 23 percentage points, while supporting the Christian Democratic Party makes supporting the bill less likely for voters, suggesting that religious observance is important. The observance of these tendencies in Switzerland -an environment that promotes discussion through direct democratic rights -strongly suggests that citizens see the benefits of stem cell research.

In the aftermath of a European Parliament (EP) election, there are normally two prominent aspects that receive attention by scholars and experts: the turnout rate and whether the Second Order Election (SOE) model proposed by Reif and Schmitt (1980) still applies. That model is based on the idea that, because EP elections do not themselves provide enough stimulus as to replace the concerns normally present at national elections, the outcomes of EP elections in any participating country manifest themselves as a sort of distorted mirror of national (Parliamentary) elections in that country. The mirror is distorted because those national concerns are modified, not so much by the concerns arising from the European context in which EP elections are held as simply by the fact that EP elections are not national elections. In particular, at EP elections, national executive power is not at stake. The same party or parties will rule in each country after an EP election as ruled there before.

This paper aims to examine the phenomenon of the decline of voters in Islamic ideology in Indonesia. Indonesian history notes that Islamic Political Parties have triumphed in political circles with their ability to impose fierce debates against nationalist groups and religions other than Islam when discussing constitutional changes. The endless debate then forced President Soekarno to issue a presidential decree. The sweet history of Islamic Political Parties began to decline when the regime of the New Order government fused authoritatively and caused no more unity of opinion in the Islamic party. At present, Islamic ideology political parties also have a tendency to turn to the Cacth All Party, which is considered more profitable and provides wider opportunities to gain power. This paper aims to prove the changing behavior of voters of Islamic political parties in the history of Indonesia's political configuration.

The Australian public voted in November 2017 in favour of changing the law to allow for same-sex marriage – only the second such national popular vote after Ireland in 2015. Though 61.6% of the Australian public voting in the Marriage Law Postal Survey voted Yes in support of marriage equality, this support was not uniformly distributed across the country, with support at the electoral division level varying between 26.1% and 83.7%. What, then, explains such variation in support for same-sex marriage among the Australian public? In this article, we advance an aggregate, electoral division-level explanation of the Yes vote that links support for the legalisation of same-sex marriage to a set of local-level political and socio-demographic factors.

The presence of shared interests between politicians and citizens is central to many accounts of political representation, yet there has been little empirical research into how citizens perceive these interests and whether they think a 'communion of interests' exists between them and their elected representatives. Using new survey data, this paper explores the extent to which Britons think their Members of Parliament share the same everyday experiences as they do. It further explores the relationship between these perceptions and indicators of specific and diffuse political support. We show that British citizens generally say that politicians are less affected by social and economic conditions and less reliant on public services than they are. The size of this perceived 'discommunion' affects voting behaviour and satisfaction with democracy.

Post-Election Behavior is a new definition to be introduced in this study which has not been widely used before. There is debate among scholars who do not agree whether voters respond to the events of the past more than the future, or vice versa. In the marketing field, it has been proven and widely accepted that after the purchase decision had been made, it does not end there, it will continue to affect consumer behavior. Even from a theoretical perspective, the study of post purchase process provides a better understanding on role of past experience (satisfaction or dissatisfaction) in determining the future purchase decisions. However, there are deficiencies in existing voting theories. This study attempts to provide a variation of what happens after an election or what is known as post-election. This is something new which have not been studied and used before. This study applies as the basis framework of the study. The main goal of this study is to determine the usefulness and effectiveness of the model in the context of Post-Election Behavior. Based on factor analysisperformed onthe items in thedependent variableofthe Post Voting Behavior, findings from these testsprovide thre emajor components that are Exit,Voice and Loyalty Response.These findingsare in lineandsupportthemodelproposed byHirchman (1970) wherethere are threemajor componentsExit, Voice andLoyalty. This findingalso supportsthatmodelHirchman( ) is relevant whereit is widely used as the basisformost of the studiesin the review ofPost-Purchase Behaviorandseveralother areas in thefield of marketing.

This paper analyzes in comparative key, the trajectory of the Chilean and Italian Christian Democratic parties in the second half of the twentieth century, paying special attention to the impact that changes in the agenda of the Catholic Church had on the fortunes of this political actor. The analysis begins with the postwar years, when the Church developed a concern about an atheistic Marxism that challenged catholic views of society; as a consequence, the Church established a special relationship with Christian Democratic parties. Then, the paper describes the political impact of the second Vatican Council. Finally, the paper considers Church's recent emphasis on individual morality as well as the adoption of forms of political action akin to pressure groups. The comparative analysis shows the similarities of the Italian and Chilean cases regarding the left and right-wing alignments facing religious matters. The analogies help us to understand the identity crisis which affects, in both cases, Catholic political groups which converged to center-left coalitions.

Elections are resource intensive and high-stake events. They are hard to finance, expensive to conduct, and remain an administrative challenge for any developing country. It is a curious situation when after all the efforts of major stakeholders, voter turnout remains low. Politicians, political parties, and regulating bodies top the list of those stakeholders who are most interested and consequently affected by such voter behavior during elections. Being part of a social group also plays an important role in raising awareness about voting and encourages voters to know more about the process, mostly for the benefit of the group at large. This study focused on the role of political opinion leadership and caste as two of the main factors that may inform voter satisfaction according to the Behavioral Reasoning Theory (BRT). The results about group association or the caste of respondents exhibited by this study remain typical of the Pakistani society. The role of political opinion leadership in informing and encouraging voters becomes important to fill the information gap and save the time of voters. Based on the data gathered from registered voters, this study revealed that political opinion leadership and caste significantly influence voter satisfaction, particularly in the context of a close-knit developing country.

This dissertation is available for the library on the understanding that it is copyright material and that no quotation from the thesis may be published without proper acknowledgement. I certify that all the material in this dissertation that is not my own work has been identified and that no material has previously been submitted to or approved by this or any other university for the award of a degree.

This dissertation is available for the library on the understanding that it is copyright material and that no quotation from the thesis may be published without proper acknowledgement. I certify that all the material in this dissertation that is not my own work has been identified and that no material has previously been submitted to or approved by this or any other university for the award of a degree.

This article is an attempt to bridge both the concept of ethnic and political tolerance into one account. It also is an attempt to make a connection between both ethnic and political tolerance with the studies of voting behaviour. Using qualitative methodology with content analysis approach and reviewing past literature, this article proposed a development of democraticrational learning framework, a hybrid perspective from democratic learning and rational choice theories. As to date, the nonexistence of any single model that explains both areas may pave to a new avenue in understand tolerance ethnically and politically and its importance in the study of voting behaviour. The proposed framework is perhaps contributed to the current body of knowledge of both theories. It is significance where ethnic and politics perceived as most important matter, and tolerance become increasingly worldwide agenda in managing multi-diversity society. Evidences are discussed further.

Supplemental material, PSX_932115_Giebler_Online_Supplementary_Material for Discontent With What? Linking Self-Centered and Society-Centered Discontent to Populist Party Support by Heiko Giebler, Magdalena Hirsch, Benjamin Schürmann and Susanne Veit in Political Studies

The 2024 Pakistani general elections were marked by controversies, protests, and political uncertainty, representing a significant moment in the nation's political history. This research provides a comprehensive analysis of the electoral process, focusing on allegations of electoral fraud, post-election rallies, challenges of government formation, the role of the military establishment, and implications for Pakistan's political future. The elections were clouded by suspicions of fraud, delayed results, and transparency violations, prompting widespread protests and legal hurdles in government formation. The military establishment's influence on the electoral landscape raised concerns about political interference, while the international community highlighted the importance of electoral transparency and human rights. Despite the challenges, the elections resulted in a seismic shift in Pakistan's political dynamics, emphasizing the need for transparency, accountability, and democratic principles in shaping the country's political future.

espanolEstudiamos los determinantes de la nominacion y exito de las 592 candidatas a alcaldes y 128 ganadoras en las 345 comunas de Chile entre 2004 y 2012. Con datos de 3.633 candidatos de ambos sexos, evaluamos el efecto de la militancia, cuotas por partidos, incumbencia, sexo del alcalde en ejercicio, pobreza y escolaridad en los municipios. El sexo del alcalde que gobernaba una comuna es determinante. Donde una mujer busco la re-eleccion, la tasa de nominadas y electas es superior respecto a comunas abiertas o donde gobernaba un hombre. Cuando hay alcaldesas, hay incentivos para que compitan mas mujeres. EnglishWe analyze the determinants of the nomination and success of the 592 women candidates and 128 women winners in the 345 municipalities in Chile between 2004 and 2012. With data from all 3.633 candidates, we assess the effect of party militancy, party quotas, incumbency, sex of the incumbent, poverty and schooling in municipalities. The sex of the incumbent is a defining va...

The Federalist Papers are a collection of 85 essays written by James Madison, Alexander Hamilton, and John Jay under the pseudonym "Publius" in 1787 and 1788. In the Federalist No. 10, arguably Madison's most influential contribution to the Federalist Papers, we can see that Madison identified three essential qualities that we, as responsible citizens, should look for in the person who wants our vote: Wisdom, Patriotism, and Love of Justice. The idea of a wise, patriotic, and justice-loving leader remains a necessity today as it did during the Founding Era of the United States. In this paper, I briefly examine Madison's idea of wisdom, patriotism, and love of justice in political decision-making or applying knowledge to determine the best course of action for the country. Madison's philosophy offers timeless lessons on discerning and protecting the national interest in our complex, ever-evolving republic society.

Socio-Spatial Transformations, Suburbanisation, and Voting Behaviour in the Vilnius Urban Region This paper analyses the interrelationship between the process of suburbanization and a changing political and ethnic landscape in the Vilnius urban region. The region surrounding Vilnius city is dominated by Polish identity residents while those who suburbanise into the region are mainly ethnic Lithuanians. This may lead to potential tension and conflicts in the region which may find its expression in the voting behaviour of residents of the region. Using data from the 1997 and 2011 municipal elections we found that the share of votes for the Polish party in the region decreases over time, while the absolute number of votes for this party increases. At the same time we find increasing voting activity in the suburban ring. The changing electoral behaviour can be regarded as an indicator of a growing ethnic identity. The voting results also identify the zones of the most intense changes in the electoral behavior and thus indicate areas of potential social tensions between two ethnic groups.

La presencia de mujeres en cargos de elección popular se asocia a la aparición de círculos virtuosos en la medida que su desempeño ayuda a derribar estereotipos que limitan el acceso de mujeres a dichos cargos. Aquí estudiamos los círculos virtuosos de la presencia de alcaldesas en elecciones en Chile. Con datos de siete elecciones locales —indirectas (1992-2000) y directas (2004-2016)— en las 345 municipalidades del país, identificamos que, en el periodo de tres cuatrienios de elecciones indirectas, hubo 59 comunas presididas por una alcaldesa. En el periodo de elecciones directas, esas comunas eligieron más alcaldesas que el resto de las comunas del país. Asociamos que la mayor presencia de mujeres en algunas alcaldías en Chile en la actualidad se debe a la presencia de una alcaldesa en el periodo 1992-2000.

I make a number of observations regarding the argument of the author that primary elections are an application of democracy in the internal procedures of a political party. The question raised is whether primaries enhance democracy, or restrict it, by diminishing the role of party members only in selecting party representatives and have no role in the discussion of policies. Another important issue is the age structure of the participants in the primary elections. Did it matter? More analysis and evidence is needed on this issue to find out whether the relatively younger candidate mobilized more young members and friends to participate in the primary elections of PASOK.

Die Dokumente auf EconStor dürfen zu eigenen wissenschaftlichen Zwecken und zum Privatgebrauch gespeichert und kopiert werden. Sie dürfen die Dokumente nicht für öffentliche oder kommerzielle Zwecke vervielfältigen, öffentlich ausstellen, öffentlich zugänglich machen, vertreiben oder anderweitig nutzen. Sofern die Verfasser die Dokumente unter Open-Content-Lizenzen (insbesondere CC-Lizenzen) zur Verfügung gestellt haben sollten, gelten abweichend von diesen Nutzungsbedingungen die in der dort genannten Lizenz gewährten Nutzungsrechte. Terms of use: Documents in EconStor may be saved and copied for your personal and scholarly purposes. You are not to copy documents for public or commercial purposes, to exhibit the documents publicly, to make them publicly available on the internet, or to distribute or otherwise use the documents in public. If the documents have been made available under an Open Content Licence (especially Creative Commons Licences), you may exercise further usage rights as specified in the indicated licence.

An overview is given of the 2016 Russian State Duma election, and its significance for the current Russian regime. As the first in a series of five articles in this edition of Russian Politics, it sets the 2016 State Duma election into context. It begins by discussing the role of the Duma in Russian politics, and reviews political developments between the protests that followed the 2011 parliamentary election, and the successful conclusion of the 2016 one. It then examines how institutional and political changes came together in the 2016 campaign. The resultant supermajority for the pro-Kremlin United Russia party is analyzed, before the remaining articles in this issue – which examine the issues of turnout, voting behavior, electoral manipulation and the future of the regime – are introduced.

In the elections held on the dates November 1st, 2015 and June 7th, 2015 a very big electoral realignment was observed in record time. During this short interval of five months, the society was faced with intense political propaganda and social problems. In this study, a research was conducted for determining how much influence political propaganda and social events in association with political propaganda have on vote transition between parties. Within the scope of the study; Collected data was analyzed using descriptive and inferential methods. In addition, as a result of dunn tests made with Friedman chi-square and Post hoc comparisons, the correlation between the questions regarding transition from one party to another was examined and very obvious agglomerations were detected in some realignments.

The massive vote shift in the 2018 elections, underlies a changed configuration of the social stratification of the vote. The end-result is one of an increased heterogeneity of the social bases of partisan support and of the contradictory social landscape parties are confronted with. Driven by the paramount salience of economic concerns among voters, labour market position and type of employment appear to be the main axes of stratification: selfemployed voters massively supported the centre-right coalition and especially the Lega, attracted by the promise of huge tax cuts; but the Lega disproportionally attracted also manual workers with poor education. On the other hand, non-manual employees and skilled manual labour, with middle-level education, showed a clear propensity to vote for the M5s; which also revealed a huge appeal among unemployed, especially young, and inactive women. This social configuration of the vote is reflected in the clear-cut territorial divide of the vote: supremacy of the M5s in the Southern regions and predominance of the Lega in the North (and in some Central regions as well). The PDthe big loser of the elections in political terms-seems to have appealed especially to more socially established and secure social groups (Northerner, aged, educated employees and, above all, pensioners). This social stratification of the PD's vote is not a surprise and is in line with a long-running trend. It signals the relative unattractiveness of the PD for those social groups which think they are bearing the brunt of globalization's downside and feel inadequately protected and insecure in their daily lives.

En este artículo se analiza el deterioro electoral del Partido Demócrata Cristiano (pdc) chileno, que cayó del 26% de los votos en las elecciones inaugurales de la democracia en 1989, al 4.2% en las legislativas de 2021. Sugerimos tres factores explicativos. Primero, que si bien la base electoral del pdc siempre fue predominantemente católica, desde mediados de la primera década de los dos mil, los partidos de derecha han competido con dicho partido y con éxito parcial en este núcleo de electores. Segundo, que dicho partido ha sido históricamente de centro, pero desde fines de los noventa ha enfrentado la competencia de los partidos de izquierda por estos votantes. Tercero, que las facciones internas del pdc pasaron de una dinámica cooperativa a una disruptiva, con acelerados cambios de directivas y fuga de militantes. Malos resultados para las elecciones presidenciales de 2017 y 2021, con un 5.9% y un 11.6%, respectivamente.

The purpose of this study was to assess whether advertising influences South Africans' voting behaviour. The research compared two advertising appeals, fear and rational, to assess which is most preferred by voters. A secondary purpose was also to review whether having knowledge of voters' influencers and using that knowledge, coupled with an advertising appeal, would influence voters' behaviour. The study also briefly reviewed whether demographics such as race, gender and education level could have an impact on voting behaviour. The study also reviewed the relationship between the influencers and voting behaviour. The research was done using an online and hardcopy questionnaire. Sampling was both random and by referral. Three hundred and nineteen valid questionnaires were returned. Various frequency analyses were conducted to v

The purpose of this study was to assess whether advertising influences South Africans' voting behaviour. The research compared two advertising appeals, fear and rational, to assess which is most preferred by voters. A secondary purpose was also to review whether having knowledge of voters' influencers and using that knowledge, coupled with an advertising appeal, would influence voters' behaviour. The study also briefly reviewed whether demographics such as race, gender and education level could have an impact on voting behaviour. The study also reviewed the relationship between the influencers and voting behaviour. The research was done using an online and hardcopy questionnaire. Sampling was both random and by referral. Three hundred and nineteen valid questionnaires were returned. Various frequency analyses were conducted to v

In recent decades, liberal democracies have considerably expanded the scope for citizen participation, calling their citizens to vote in a growing number of popular votes. This research investigates the effects of the rising election frequency on electoral participation. It expands on the voting calculus and theorizes which, when, and how past votes affect current voter turnout. We argue that all election types contribute to a common factor of election frequency, whose high values depress turnout and reduce the effectiveness of party mobilization even in the most important elections. We find support for the new theory using an original database of all significant elections and referendums held in twenty-two European democracies between 1939 and 2019, two natural experiments, and survey data from the Comparative Study of Electoral Systems. Our findings shed light on contemporary participation trends and have major implications for democratic citizenship and democratic institutional engineering.

Nigeria has held elections in a variety of settings since her independence in 1960, and it aspires to improve on previous elections and the campaigning process. The selection and development of candidates for office are significantly influenced by traditional leaders and their followers. During election campaigns, political candidates go to the palaces of traditional monarchs to ask for their approval and support. This happens in various parts of Nigeria during elections for state and local offices as well as the presidency, when candidates visit first-class traditional rulers in all 36 states of the nation as their first stop before launching their campaigns in those states. This has now become the norm in Nigeria's modern politics. The study examines the impact of traditional rulership institutions on the behaviour of voters in Baruten Local Government in the 2023 general elections in Kwara State. It aims to determine the extent to which traditional rulers influence the choice of electorates in the Baruten Local Government area of Kwara State. To achieve the main objective, the research used mixed methods (quantitative and qualitative) and data were generated from primary and secondary sources. The population size of this work covered the four main districts in the local government namely, Gwanara, Ilesha-baruba, Okuta, and Yashikira respectively. In selecting the sampling size for this study, the Taro Yamane formula was adopted. According to the study's results, 87% of participants voted during the 2023 elections; additionally, research showed that traditional monarchs have a momentous impact on their citizens. The study concluded that traditional rulers enjoy a high level of respect and credibility among their subjects and can mobilize their subjects to vote for a certain political candidate.

The study determined gender effect in the efficacy of group investigation and jurisprudential inquiry instructional models in enhancing adolescent students’ interest and achievement in voter education related contents of senior secondary school Government curriculum. The study adopted quasi-experimental non-equivalent pre-test, post-test control group design. Sample for the study consisted of 165 SS II students drawn from senior secondary schools in Nsukka Local Government Area of Enugu state Nigeria. Multi-stage sampling technique was used to select the intact classes from each of the schools that were assigned to the two experimental groups. Data collected using Multiple Choice Government Achievement Test (MCGAT) and Government Interest Inventory (GII) were analyzed using mean and standard deviation for the research questions and ANCOVA for testing the hypothesis at P < 0.05 level of significance. The findings showed that both group investigation and jurisprudential inquiry mod...