Anglo-Saxon Manuscripts

This essay examines the ways in which writing was presented as something both to be looked at and read through in tenth- and eleventh-century England. Using the Old English glosses of the Lindisfarne and MacRegol Gospels as reference points, the essay considers the ways in which the medium of writing was interrogated in related and contemporary manuscripts. Scribes and artists were concerned not only to demonstrate fluency and sophistication through their scripts, but also to consider how writing represented orthodoxy and mediated the human relationship with the divine.

This article suggests the existence of an early history of Peterborough monastery, still available after the destructive fire of 1116, which was used by the compiler of the Peterborough Chronicle in 1121 as a source for his local 'Interpolations' and then, in the second half of the century, by Hugh Candidus for a new edition of the history, in Latin. Additionally, an analysis of language and style suggests that the scribe who wove the 'Interpolations' into the new English text is to be seen as the author of its 'First Continuation', a block which took it from 1122 to the end of the year 1131.

The British Library manuscript Sloane MS 3822 comprises the occult interests of an early modern antiquarian. Described succinctly but accurately as ‘a medley of papers from the desks of Simon Forman, Elias Ashmole, and other English magicians’, its miscellaneous contents centre on the practical applications of astral magic, a form of Arabic ritual magic that came to be used alongside spirit conjuring in late medieval Europe. In the early modern period, astral magic was practised widely among professionals and scholars, including the antiquarian Elias Ashmole (1617–92), who assembled Sloane MS 3822 in the final decade of his life. In addition to heraldry and alchemy, Ashmole’s interests encompassed the occult, for which he collected and copied objects and astrological casebooks, diaries and other writings of well-known early modern occultists who were known to be spirit communicators, with an eye not only to preserve valuable knowledge about the occult, but also to follow in their footsteps by practising magic himself.
Ashmole may have assembled Sloane MS 3822 with the express purpose of curating a collection of texts dedicated to the making and use of sigils, but in doing so he unwittingly preserved some important documents exemplifying the early stages of Old English philology. Towards the end of the manuscript, Ashmole inserted a quire of human and occult alphabets and ancillary writings. Alphabets were not out of place in the context of astral magic, which, like other forms of ritual magic, relied on the power of writing, sometimes in unfamiliar alphabets and incomprehensible symbols. Most alphabets in early modern magic manuscripts were culled from printed works of occultists as Cornelius Agrippa of Nettesheim (1486–1533), whose De occulta philosophia libri tres included several types of human and occult alphabets. As may be expected of a magic manuscript, the quire of alphabets in Sloane MS 3822 indeed has Agrippa’s alphabets, but it is expanded considerably by drawing on an impressive range of English and Continental manuscript and print sources, including a ‘Saxon Alphabet’ (fol. 138r), and ‘The lordes praier in the Saxon tongue’, glossed in early modern English (fol. 139r). These texts were copied in the first decade of the seventeenth century, a period in which Old English philology was in its infancy, and as such they are key witnesses to the first attempts to decipher Old English after the medieval period. The alphabet and the Pater Noster are here identified, analysed and contextualised for the first time.

is a famously funny painter, the only picture in the splendid exhibition of his work at the National Gallery of Art, Washington, D.C., that caused me to laugh aloud was the self-portrait of 1670 (Fig. 1).1 On first viewing it, I did not know the pointed reference to Frans van Mieris's pretentious self-portrait of two or three years earlier,2 but I immediately recognized that the pose echoed a tradition of gentleman portraits such as Titian's gorgeous picture in London (sometimes said to represent Ariosto) or Nicolas Poussin's self-portrait of 1650.3 The term "pose" is here a pun, mine and Steen's, intended to recognize a painter's claim to status as a humanist and a gentleman, a claim obviously contested and far from self-evident. These pictures can also represent a tradition of art historical scholarship in which the well-educated, self-assured, original artists of the Renaissance and later periods are contrasted with the occasionally skillful but conservative, and allegedly anonymous, craftsmen of the Middle Ages. From such a vantage point, artists of the early medieval period, even more likely to be seen as anonymous, are a fortiori dismissed as mere copyists whose individual contributions to the works of art they have bequeathed to us are absorbed in notions of "schools," regional or period styles, even ethnic categories.4 The reductive tradition of emphasizing the otherness of early medieval artists needs at the very least reconsideration on the basis of the surviving evidence. This historiographical schema inscribes prejudices, and wishes, as much as it describes the past. Recent works such as Evelyn Welch's book have called attention to the "medieval" conditions still controlling much of the artistic life of fourteenth-and fifteenth-century Italy, practical issues of materials and artists' complex negotiation of the terms of their art and their livelihood with shifting patrons.5 Contemporary northern Europe presents a similar picture of "medieval" practice, of masters closely associated with conservative guilds, practice from which an artist like Albrecht Diirer sought to free himself, producing in 1498, after his return from Italy, a self-portrait posed very like Steen's and representing a "gentiluomo," to use the term that Durer deployed in a letter of a few years later.6 What he was reacting against is exemplified by the well-known contract of March 15, 1464, between the four administrators of the Brotherhood of the Holy Sacrament at the church of St. Peter in Louvain with Master Dieric Bouts for an altarpiece pertaining to the Holy Sacrament. The contract specifies the subject matter in general and appoints two theologians who shall "prescribe" to Master Bouts, specifies the amount he will be paid, the time during which the work must be completed, and many other details.7 The case study presented here suggests that the ad hoc, contractual, artistic practices illustrated by the Bouts altarpiece were not restricted to the late medieval period but may in some instances apply at a far earlier date than hitherto generally supposed, specifically, in the Carolingian period. Even in dealing with early medieval book illumination we should recognize that such patronage-heavy artistic practice by no means eliminates the importance of the individual artist, any more than it does in the case of Bouts. The members of the Louvain brotherhood hired Master Bouts because they recognized and appreciated and wished to enlist his skills; had their membership included someone capable of achieving the same result, they would presumably have employed that member and saved (perhaps, if he offered a discount) a good deal of money. The contract specifies certain terms but not the special qualities Master Bouts was expected to provide, qualities for which he was employed and for which he would be paid. Carolingian patrons may have behaved in an analogous manner, using local or in-house talent for some jobs but seeking distinguished outside assistance when available, or for special purposes. Duirer's letter and portrait represent the gentlemanly social situation to which he aspired, not his normal social reality, which depended very much on his superlative craftsmanship. Master Steen's smile, part of the original conception of the picture but subsequently painted over,8 recognizes that social status, originality, and craftsmanship are not separable, but bound together one with another. Of course, I do not maintain that in the early medieval period we can build art historical knowledge around individual artists as has been, since Vasari, a traditional, indeed at least until very recently, the dominant mode of procedure. Although I will suggest below that we can and should imagine careers for a few artists, we simply have not the requisite amount of information to do this frequently, much less systematically.9 Yet this is in many ways a quantitative rather than a qualitative distinction. Who would be able to confidently identify the Madonna in Bruges, Moses in Rome, and Rondanini Pietd in Milan as the work of the single sculptor Michelangelo if none were documented and we had no other works that could bridge the evident stylistic jumps between them? Yet even with a very fragmentary surviving sample of sixteenth-century Italian sculpture we would surely be able to identify great changes during the period, and we would wish to credit some highly talented individual (or individuals) for those changes. We would probably prefer to associate the Bruges Madonna with the artist of some apparently related statues in Rome and Florence, for example, the Vatican Pietd, even if we could not explain how such a statue came to be in Bruges, rather than hypothesize a lost "Bruges school" influenced by a lost Roman model. The prevailing scholarly paradigm holds that during the early medieval period, at least in western Europe, art in general, and especially luxuriously painted books, was produced for and in monasteries, or occasionally in monasteries for courtly patrons, presumably by scribes and painters who

BiBliologia eleMenta ad liBRoRvM studia peRtinentia volume 47 Comité de rédaction andré Binggeli, cnRs, institut de recherche et d'histoire des textes, paris paola degni, alma Mater università di Bologna Michele c. Ferrari, Friedrich-alexander-universität erlangen Françoise Fery-Hue, cnRs, institut de recherche et d'histoire des textes, paris Xavier Hermand, université de namur Marilena Maniaci, università degli studi di cassino e del lazio meridionale donatella nebbiai, cnRs, institut de recherche et d'histoire des textes, paris Judith olszowy-schlanger, école pratique des Hautes études, paris teresa Webber, trinity college, cambridge Imago lIbrI. RepRésentations caRolingiennes du livRe sous la direction de Charlotte Denoël, anne-orange PoilPré, Sumi Shimahara f

Объектом исследования в данной статье является ряд медицинских рецептов, связанных с приготовлением святого напитка и святой мази в составе древнеанглийского знахарского трактата "Лакнунга". Особое внимание уделяется связи понятий чистоты и святости в обрядовых практиках, сопровождающих изготовление вышеуказанных снадобий.

The three palimpsests Verona, Biblioteca Capitolare, Veronenses (hereafter: Veron.) XV, XL, and LXII contain rewritten bifolios of late antique copies of works by Gaius, Vergil, Livy, and other classical Latin authors. Because they are very old, and in some cases the only, witnesses of the manuscript tradition of these works, they have attracted the attention of scholars since the beginning of the nineteenth century, when chemical reagents were the only means to make the washed-off letters visible again. Scholars applied a great variety of reagents to them and attested to their use in an unusually open way in private letters and print publications. These three codices are thus ideal objects for a case study on the use of and thoughts on chemical reagents in nineteenth-century palimpsest research. Although this widespread technique did enormous damage to outstanding
cultural heritage in many Western European libraries and thus has had a
significant impact on the field, it has not yet been widely explored via a historical
approach based on written sources.

Resumo: O manuscrito de Beowulf, hoje em poder da British Library em Londres, conhecido também como Nowell Codex (Cotton Vitellius A.xv,) é composto pelos seguintes textos: Vida de São Cristovão, Maravilhas do Orient, Carta de Alexandre para Aristóteles, Beowulf, e Judite. As figuras dos monstros presentes no manuscrito de Beowulf estão conectadas em uma lógica maior que une todos os textos do manuscrito: as origens anglo-saxônicas. Um Oriente idealizado, que é a origem dos males e ao mesmo tempo dos elementos considerados benéficos desta sociedade. Estes males, personificados nas figuras dos monstros são os elementos que se confrontam com aquilo que seria considerado como um modelo idealizado de sociedade pelos anglo-saxões próximo ao ano 1000, que é o período de compilação do manuscrito.

Esse artigo tem como objetivo principal discutir como o poema Beowulf (S.I ca 700) apresenta a jactância germânica, isto é, a atitude de alguém que se manifesta com arrogância e tem alta opinião de si mesmo, como uma das principais formas de legitimação do poder aristocrático dos futuros reis anglo-saxões no período de composição do poema, ou seja, século VIII. A veneração do próprio individuo sobre si está centrada em diversos rituais sociais e é apresentada para o leitor do poema em inúmeros momentos, desde a chegada do guerreiro geat à costa dinamarquesa, até o momento em que ele se prepara para o confronto final com o dragão. É nela que observamos a importância da apresentação, na qual a forma de discurso, as informações apresentadas (que também são formas cerimoniais e cumprem uma série de requisitos prévios), os elogios realizados ao ouvinte e aqueles recebidos, são de suma importância para as ações desta aristocracia.

St. John’s Wort is a plant known and used by people for a very long time. It has multiple uses, as shown below. Its properties include antispasmodic action, astringent action, curative effects, vasodilating effects, hypotensive effects, anti-inflammatory and cholagogic effect, antiseptic, antibiotic, and anti-diarrheal effect. They also favor the epithelialization process, rush the healing of the injuries; determine an increase of the vascular lumen by relaxing the smooth vessel muscles, increasing the blood inflow within that area. It is also useful in case of ulcers (gastric, duodenal or leg ulcers), burns and other external injuries; bronchitis and inflammations of the urogenital system; colitis and cholecystitis; depressive conditions. It can be used internally for treating indigestion, hematuria and enterocolitis, while externally, it is used to treat wounds.

This paper dismisses the theory of sequential copyings in relation to the different versions of the Saxon Chronicle-an edition which supposedly extended only to 891-and argues that the shared source was a single 'Base Text', perhaps from the Winchester Old Minster, which was copied at various times between 909 and 920, and sent out to the newly-formed sees at Ramsbury, Crediton, Wells and the New Minster-and, probably, to the existing one at Sherborne. An examination of the extant Chronicle-texts, and a simultaneous consideration of their purported sources, suggests that there was a degree of interaction between these establishments around 946, and again in the 970s, as the different manuscripts came to be updated.
Two major corrections are necessary:
1. For 'working both alone in unison' (p. 12), read 'working both alone or in unison'.
2. For 'appointment as Suffragan to Archbishop Eadsige in 1043' (p. 29), read 'appointment as Suffragan to Archbishop Eadsige in 1044'.

Unlike that opulent and better-known example of late Anglo-Saxon manuscript illumination, the tenth-century Benedictional of St. Aethelwold (London, British Library Additional MS 49598) 1 , the forty-eight modest sepia ink outline drawings accompanying the four poems 2 in Old English to be found in MS Junius 11 (Oxford, Bodleian Library MS Junius 11) 3 of c. 1000, or shortly before 4 , are not well known, even though the manuscript itself is without doubt one of the most studied and written about works of Anglo-Saxon art and literary culture. 5 It has been largely as a monument of the Anglo-Saxon poetic tradition that the manuscript has garnered the most attention, despite the fact that it is the only one of the four major Anglo-Saxon poetic manuscripts to be illustrated. 6 Familiarity with Junius 11 itself has been greatly enhanced by the Bodleian Library's exemplary digital online presentation of the manuscript 7 , where, with the simple click of a mouse, one can peruse the entire work, enlarge individual details, and, most importantly, come away with an understanding that the manuscript as a whole remains unfinished with many spaces awaiting illustrations. This reality of numerous empty spaces leads to the observation that the text was clearly written out first with spaces to be filled in at a later point with accompanying drawings based either on some kind of fully illustrated model or, alternatively, based on other illustrated biblical manuscripts as the poems in Junius 11 are not a Bible. These empty spaces are often oddly no. 88

Over the last two decades, multispectral imaging (MSI) has established itself as the most important tool in recovering illegible text in erased or damaged manuscripts, and to a lesser extent as an aid to the codicological study of manuscript supports and media. Rarely, however, have spectral imaging initiatives involved Hebrew illuminated manuscripts. In 2022, an international team of scholars, imaging scientists, and conservators from the National Museum of Bosnia and Herzegovina and the Lazarus Project of the University of Rochester imaged the Sarajevo Haggadah multispectrally. Produced for a Jewish commissioner and housed at the National Museum of Bosnia and Herzegovina, this 14th-century illuminated manuscript contains, inter alia , a partially erased text of a sale contract on folio 106v * that is now newly legible. Codicological details of the manuscript-ink, stains, type of animal used for parchment-have also benefitted from material analysis via MSI. Herein, we describe the MSI process of the Sarajevo Haggadah and the application of image processing algorithms to recover the erased text on folio 106v *. A complete text of a sale contract is revealed for the first time, providing significant information about the ownership and provenance of the Sarajevo Haggadah at the beginning of the 16th century.

В материалах сборника рассматриваются актуальные проблемы таких вспомогательных исторических дисциплин, как палеография, историческая хронология, историческая метрология, историческая география и картография, генеалогия, ономастика, сфрагистика, геральдика, нумизматика и др., освещаются проблемы истории естественнонаучного знания, история и историография вспомогательных исторических дисциплин. Для специалистов в области гуманитарного знания, истории, источниковедения, вспомогательных исторических дисциплин, историографии.

Bamberg Cathedral, the main church of the diocese founded in 1007 by King Henry II (r. 1002-1024), had one of the most impressive church treasuries of the Ottonian period. It was not only endowed with precious liturgical vessels, but also with numerous Gospels books and Gospel lectionaries. Some of these codices were written in the early Middle Ages, well before the foundation of the diocese, whereas other manuscripts were produced around the same time, possibly even specifically for the cathedral and for its consecration. Among the latter are the manuscripts from the scriptorium of Reichenau Abbey. This article addresses the question as to whether the visual organisation of the Gospel books and Gospel lectionaries allows conclusions to be drawn about their use for the reading of the pericopes from the Gospels. In this context, both the primary adaptations already made in the scriptorium by means of signs or special script colours as well as the secondary adaptations like markings are examined more closely in order to work out whether a deliberate orchestration of the manuscripts for special occasions can be discerned.

The dating of the Beowulf manuscript, as distinct from Beowulf, became controversial in 1988, when David Dumville published an article he called "Beowulf Come Lately: Some Notes on the Palaeography of the Nowell Codex." Until then, Beowulf scholars accepted the paleographical dating of Neil R. Ker at s. X/XI, interpreted following Ker's sensibly cautious fifty-year range as circa 975 x 1025. I discussed in Beowulf and the Beowulf Manuscript, and presented at the Dating of Beowulf symposium in Toronto in 1980, the obvious but previously unremarked consequence that this dating range included nearly ten years of the reign of Cnut (1016–1035). This study challenges Dumville's attempt to restrict the dating of "late Square Anglo-Saxon minuscule" to the first sixteen years of the eleventh century.

Aranyozott angolszász ezüsttárgyra bukkant egy fémdetektoros az angliai Norfolkban. A szász (saxon) népnév a sakai suna "szakák fiai" kifejezésből származhat s a kortársak a hunokat emlegették szkítákként, akiknek egyik neve volt a szaka. Az angolszászok hun vezetéssel foglalták el Angliát. Az eredeti szász területek közepének neve Angria volt, amiből a Brit szigeteken alakult ki az Anglia név. Ez az Angria pedig az Ungria (Onoguria "tíz ogur állama") változata lehet. Ezek az angolszászok a magyar hieroglif írással írt, magyarul elolvasható írásemléket hagytak maguk után a jelen cikkben vizsgált norfolki leleten.

The use of chemical reagents for text enhancement was quite common in the nineteenth century. Their application resulted in permanent damage, irreversibly obscuring the writing. This paper describes an effort to find a suitable technique to read the passages in the Vercelli Book that were obliterated by the use of the gallnut tincture.

This volume gathers fourteen new essays devoted to Old English prose saints' lives from the late Anglo-Saxon period. Moving from diverse methodological approaches and building on the most recent developments in primary and secondary scholarship, the contributions comprehensively consider the texts and contexts of the vernacular hagiographic output both by AElfric, the major hagiographer of his day, and by anonymous authors. By means of a comprehensive scrutiny of the Latin sourcetexts, including the often neglected Vitas Patrum, as well as of both the historical and manuscript context, this collection contributes to outline the late Anglo-Saxon sanctorale and to advance our knowledge of the literary culture and intellectual history of pre-Conquest England and beyond.

This paper discusses the origins and development of Palaeography and its significance in Medieval Studies, and it tackles the elitism and connoisseurship in the discipline. It offers a reappraisal of the tenth-century Parker Chronicle scribes (Cambridge, Corpus Christi College, MS 173).

The use of chemical reagents for text enhancement was quite common in the nineteenth century. Their application resulted in permanent damage, irreversibly obscuring the writing. This paper describes an effort to find a suitable technique to read the passages in the Vercelli Book that were obliterated by the use of the gallnut tincture.

Este trabalho faz uma análise do poema épico anglo-saxão Beowulf, oriundo da tradição oral germânica, dando ênfase ao herói que dá o título. Em todo o caminho seguido pelo protagonista da história, ele distancia-se de formas tradicionais de heróis medievais e da Antiguidade, cujas missões baseavam-se em fatores exteriores e não introspectivos. O
objetivo proposto é demonstrar como Beowulf, em toda sua estratégia para combater monstros malignos, busca não só seu reconhecimento como grande herói, mas também um modo de viver eternamente. O herói demonstra medo, impertinência e falhas em sua jornada, tendo uma profundidade maior do que foi pensado anteriormente pela crítica
literária. A partir de estudos de críticos que se aplicaram a questões sobre o desenvolvimento da figura do herói, mostraremos como tais classificações não condizem com o modo que Beowulf é apresentado em sua história. Com base em autores como Eliade, Lévi-Strauss, Frye, Cassirer, entre outros, discutiremos a ideia de mito na jornada do personagem, além de estudar de que maneira o texto é construído.
Desta forma, debruçar-nos-emos principalmente sobre O herói de mil faces (The Hero of a Thousand Faces, 1949), de Joseph Campbell. Nesta obra, o estudioso apresenta a ideia de “monomito”, um percurso que seria, em teoria, visto em heróis típicos medievais. Percebemos, no entanto, que Beowulf possui diversas discrepâncias frente ao que foi elaborado por Campbell, sendo assim necessária uma análise acerca da profundidade encontrada no personagem. O trabalho também será baseado em outros críticos necessários para o estudo de poesias anglo-saxões, como Borges, Heaney, Kaske e Tolkien, para que assim possamos compreender melhor as motivações do guerreiro anglo-saxão no poema.

Dissertação (mestrado)—Universidade de Brasília, Instituto de Letras, Departamento de Teoria Literária e Literaturas, Programa de Pós-Graduação em Literatura, 2019.O estudo da interpretação dos símbolos demanda tempo e esforço. Contudo, nem o tempo gasto, tampouco o esforço desempenhado é em vão quando se trata da interpretação de Beowulf. Como a mais antiga obra poética escrita em anglo-saxão de que se tem registro, o poema conta a história do herói escandinavo Beowulf e suas aventuras no reino dos Danes – Dinamarca – para onde vai em socorro do rei Hrothgar e seu povo que eram assolados por uma criatura terrível por nome Grendel. Após sua vitória sobre Grendel, Beowulf se vê obrigado a confrontar a mãe de Grendel que por vingança pela morte do filho trouxe destruição e morte a Heorot – o salão de hidromel de Hrothgar. Beowulf sai mais uma vez vitorioso desse segundo confronto, e retornando à sua terra se torna rei. 50 anos de seu reinado, Beowulf, agora velho, deve lutar mais uma ...

Publishing Information Indices-Tables of Contents-Registers Edited by Bruno Reudenbach We would like to thank the German Research Foundation (DFG) for its generous support of the Cluster of Excellence EXC 2176 "Understanding Written Artefacts", which has made the printing of this journal volume possible.

Using affordance theory, this chapter re-examines the evidence of the Uta Codex (München, Bayerische Staatsbibliothek, Clm 13601) and its Box through the lens of the question: is this a "liturgical book". It argues that book may have been made for use by Abbess Uta herself, during the night office, discusses in detail curious features of the incipits of the pericopes and the unusual organisation of the contents, and proposes a liturgical reading of two of the opening images.

Duncan Probert's tragically premature death in 2016 robbed us of an excellent scholar whose work authoritatively spanned the interface between the history, the landscape, and the place-names and personal names of the Middle Ages, in particular those of Anglo-Saxon and Norman England. One purpose of this memorial volume is to bring to publication four important papers which he left almost complete at the time of his death. Three of them, focused on Devon in the late eleventh century, make detailed use of the so-called Exeter Gospels and of Domesday Book. In particular, they examine the landed endowment of Exeter's cathedral community, the freeing of its manorial slaves (as reported by the manumission lists in the Gospels and in the Leofric Missal), and its records of Exeter's gilds. The fourth places the location of a tenth-century royal 'hunting lodge', previously unidentified, in south Devon. The remainder of the volume contains essays by fourteen of Duncan Probert's closest friends and work colleagues. Spanning the full spectrum of his academic interests, these offer a rich menu of linguistic, historical and topographical subject-matter, ranging in date from the fifth century to the fourteenth. Among the sources used intensively are placenames, personal names, pre-Conquest charters and leases, Domesday Book, wills (both pre-and post-Conquest), poll tax returns, and the evidence of the historical landscape.

This study aims to  provide a context for a unique silver-gilt shrine from the collection of Martine-Marie-Octavie Pol de Béhague, comtesse de Béarn (1870 1939). Probably a chrismal or chrismatory it was perhaps made in the monastic workshop of a Benedictine foundation such as St Augustine (Canterbury) or San Michele, Benediktbeuern or Ripoll during the early Romanesque period c. 1045-1085.

The issue concerning the origin of the attachment of urban tenements to rural properties shown in Domesday Book and in other sources, which has generated controversy for more than a century, is examined in a new way.  The spatial attributes of these connections in sample areas of five shires in Wessex and the west Midlands are examined to develop a historical model which is explanatory of these connections in both temporal and functional terms.  It is concluded that these were developed as an integral part of the process of the setting up of burghal and other royal sites by the king, in partnership with the tenants-in-chief of the time, in the mid and late Saxon period.

The Gospels of Sta. Maria ad Martyres (Trier, Stadtbibliothek, Cod. 23, 122a/b), a Carolingian manuscript of ca. 800, contains a dedication poem mentioning Albinus, the Anglo-Saxon scholar Alcuin, as its author and donor of a two-part gift to a king, traditionally identified as Charlemagne, ruler of the Franks and Alcuin's friend and benefactor. The manuscript's luxurious, albeit decidedly non-classicizing, appearance disrupts the dominant interpretative paradigm, long associating the period of Charlemagne with the longing to revive a lost roman imperial tradition and its distinctive classical mode of visual expression. As such, the Trier manuscript has been relegated to a realm of secondary relevance in the scholarly discourse on Carolingian book production, and presumed to be a copy of the now lost original gift, regardless of the lack of known precedent for this practice. This dissertation problematizes this marginalization through a systematic investigation of the manuscript's textual and pictorial components, and proposes a likely place and context for its production. The closing years of the eighth century witnessed the Carolingian elite's engagement with complex issues pertaining to Frankish tradition, orthodoxy, and conversion, which unfolded against a rapidly changing political landscape involving the papacy, the declining Roman Empire based in Constantinople, and the xii rising Caliphate. It is against this multi-layered backdrop that Alcuin's own anxieties and projected aspirations of Frankish leadership of the Imperium Christianum begin to emerge, and necessitate Charlemagne embracing Christ as the sole acceptable model of rulership. Alcuin's promotion of christomimesis allowed for the simultaneous exaltation and admonition of the Carolingian ruler, and provides a compelling filter through which other prominent aspects of Charlemagne's reign can be reassessed, including the design of the Aachen chapel, the imperial coronation of Christmas Day 800, and the Trier codex. This dissertation makes a strong case for the recognition of the Gospels of Sta. Maria ad Martyres as the gift mentioned in the dedication poem, and not as a later, and lesser copy of this offering. In the process, this study directly engages with, and disrupts interpretative paradigms that have long dominated the scholarship on Carolingian art and thought, highlighting the need for an overdue revision of distorting and anachronistic projections, which fail to account for the totality of the remaining evidence and its undeniable diversity. The approach presented in this dissertation can therefore be productively applied to other works from this period whose appearance, format or contents have long been unsatisfactorily sidelined by modern scholarship, and therefore help paint a truer, more reliable picture of artistic production and patronage at the time of Charlemagne.

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A close reading of two The Last Kingdom (2015-) fan fics hashtagged #NotMyBrexit, "One England" by BigHeartBigFart and "Under One Kingdom" by Honiejar (both 2019), shows that both authors use the (mediated character of) real-world King Alfred of Wessex (849-899) to comment on the Brexit transitional era. The authors mix contemporary references with historical associations to advocate for unity.

Superior (CAPES) pelo fomento, permitindo-me tranquilidade financeira durante a pesquisa. Ao Programa de Pós-Graduação em Estudos da Tradução, por propiciar o caminho. À minha orientadora, Drª. Júnia Regina de Faria Barreto, pelo carinho, pelo incentivo e pelas reuniões, fazendo com que eu realizasse o meu melhor. Ao Prof. Dr. Sergio Luiz Prado Bellei, pela disponibilidade de vir a Brasília e contribuir com seu conhecimento. Aos demais membros da banca, Prof. Dr. William Alves Biserra e Profª. Drª. Ana Helena Rossi, pelas colaborações com o debate da pesquisa. Aos integrantes do grupo de pesquisa Representações da Violência na Literatura, pelas tardes de estudo e pelas amizades verdadeiras. À minha família, meu porto seguro. Ao meu companheiro, Alexandre Plessmann, pelas incansáveis discussões e, principalmente, por apresentar-me um mundo de amor universal. iv RESUMO As traduções de um poema medieval como Beowulf podem produzir as mais variadas interpretações, especialmente quando consideramos a figura da personagem monstruosa de Grendel. Nossa indagação principal, nesta pesquisa, dá-se por estas diferentes perspectivas e abordagens tradutórias que, de realçadas ou sutis divergências demonstradas pelas escolhas lexicais dos tradutores, poderiam construir, na personagem Grendel, uma alteridade monstruosa diferente a cada versão. Nosso trabalho parte da análise de três traduções do poema para a língua inglesa moderna, a saber: a de Burton Raffel (1963), a de Michael J. Alexander (1973) e a de Seamus Heaney (2000). A tarefa de comparar a figura monstruosa por meio do vocabulário selecionado pelos tradutores requer uma análise crítica da construção da identidade monstruosa de Grendel, isto é, sua alteridade. Em nossa pesquisa, tal caminho se deu, inicialmente, a partir de considerações sobre o monstruoso e de como a sociedade da narrativa expõe este atributo da personagem Grendel. Noutro momento, por tratarmos do léxico apresentado nas sobrevidas do poema, partimos de perspectivas da filosofia da linguagem e de estudos sociais. Tomando a linguagem enquanto forma estrutural, constituída e constituidora do indivíduo em sociedade, é possível interpretarmos o monstro como um ser-Outro, cuja existência demonstra um desvio por excelência daquilo que o Mesmo elabora sobre e para si. A partir da análise do vocabulário em torno do monstro e do monstruoso, interessamonos pelo uso de nomes (próprio e substantivos)-mais especificamente, os epítetos direcionados à personagem Grendel que são exclusivos a cada uma das três traduções supracitadas, dado o fato de que a nomeação, enquanto uma das diversas funções da linguagem, corroboraria com a organização e a classificação da suposta realidade que rege determinada cultura. Nesse contexto, as escolhas lexicais dos tradutores com relação à criatura Grendel apresentam ao leitor perspectivas diferentes de um mesmo monstro. Enquanto objeto de estudo literário, as disparidades entre traduções poderiam desvelar a escrita subjetiva que construiria distintamente a personagem em foco. Através desse estudo comparativo de traduções, pretende-se também desenvolver uma análise crítica da monstruosidade de Grendel, em Beowulf, que possa, futuramente, ser utilizada para fomentar e auxiliar novas pesquisas, traduções e recriações da obra, uma vez que as leituras e as interpretações nunca se esgotam. Nosso estudo visa, ainda, abordar a literatura no que tange a inter e a multidisciplinaridade, fazendo-a dialogar com outras áreas, como estudos de tradução, filosofia da linguagem e sociologia.

In Carolingian verbal and visual representations of Christ on the cross, Chazelle has a wonderful subject: the Crucifixion is a central Christian event; the Carolingians are central to medieval and Western culture; and the authors (including Alcuin, Hrabanus Maurus, John the Scot, and Hincmar) and works of art (e.g., the Utrecht Psalter and the Drogo Sacramentary) that are Chazelle's focus are central to Carolingian culture. Nor is it easy to imagine any current scholar better qualified than Chazelle to undertake this exceptionally rich project, which grows out of a Yale dissertation co-advised by the church historian Jaroslav Pelikan and the art historian Walter Cahn. Despite these origins, Chazelle's book is no lightly revised doctoral dissertation; it is an entirely new work of a mature scholar. Chazelle's method is straightforward, probably a good idea given the amount, range, and complexity of her material; she proceeds chronologically and treats texts and images separately. The first chapter provides a useful introduction to the book, laying out its methodological premises and scope and providing a succinct, clear, and very helpful account of the ways in which the Crucifixion was understood by Western theologians before the ninth century, ideas that formed the basis for Carolingian discussions. Chapters two and four through six constitute a chronolog ical account of Carolingian texts discussing the Crucifixion. The subject of the second chapter is Christological inquiry at the court of Charlemagne, emphasizing the writings of Alcuin, the Libri Carolini (LC), and the Carolingian debate about adoptionism; chapter four carries the story through the middle of the ninth century, concentrating on exegesis of the Passion and the epistle to the Hebrews and on the Carolingian liturgy and its commentaries; while chapters five and six discuss in detail the role the understanding of Christ's death played in the Carolingian debates on predestination and the Eucharist. These textual analyses are occasionally inter rupted by brief discussions of works of art (notably Theodulf s chapel at Germigny des-Prés and the prayer book of Charles the Bald), but the bulk of the book's attention to images is found in two separate chapters. Chapter three, on the earlier Carolingian period, discusses the Gellone Sacramentary and Hrabanus Maurus's astounding collection of carmina figurata, In honorem sanctae crucis. Chapter

While the copying of Gospel Books may seem to be a standard task for any Christian community, the decision to make those copies in gold ink, sometimes writing on purple parchment, was a Carolingian transformation of early medieval book production. Jerome had condemned the practice, such luxurious books diverted wealth which should have been bestowed on the poor. 1 Literary sources mention golden gospels in Anglo-Saxon England, 2 and the magnificent Stockholm Codex Aureus is the one such book to have survived. 3 But on the continent the production of similar books had ended in the sixth century. To renew the production of such luxurious books was to express a very different ideology, to write not with the black ink which filled the furrows of the ploughed page, according to Latin book riddles, 4 but with light itself. As Otto Pächt has written "Gold is not a surface colour, it is a blaze of light, essentially disembodied." 5 As the poems of Godesscalc and Dagulf proclaim, the texts of the Gospels or the Psalms were to shine in splendour, fitting for the shining eloquence, the brightness of the treasure of the word of God. The scribes of the Court group were individuals with a clear sense of how

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O presente trabalho pretende analisar as características encontradas nos três monstros principais do poema anglo-saxão Beowulf, assim como investigar a construção do espaço amedrontador e atmosfera de terror encontrado nas descrições dos ambientes onde os próprios monstros habitam. O trabalho descreve como a personificação dos monstros do poema como "descendentes de Caim" e detentores de todo o mal ilustra como o processo de conversão da sociedade anglo-saxã se deu na alta Idade Média. A substituição dos valores pagãos com as novas doutrinas cristãs, que já haviam adentrado o imaginário da época quando o texto foi redigido, forçaram poetas medievais a adaptarem as lendas antigas e a lhe darem novos simbolismos contidos nas crenças cristãs. A partir desta característica, o poeta de Beowulf precisou encontrar um modo certo de reproduzir uma lenda pagã nos novos padrões do cristianismo. A partir de estudos baseados nas leituras de Borges em Curso de literatura Inglesa (2000) e Tolkien em "The monsters and the critics" (1936) abordaremos como as características das criaturas antagônicas são reflexos das doutrinas cristãs e como o texto foi cuidadosamente escrito para se encaixar em tais valores ainda assim tentando manter seu potencial artístico. Também iremos focar em textos de diversos outros críticos para entender suas perspectivas sobre a criação das atmosferas de terror e construção de personagens antagônicos em textos medievais.

Traditionally early medieval masculinity has been understood in relation to the militant warriors we encounter in poems such as Beowulf. In recent years we have seen a resurgence in alt-right appropriations of early medieval cultures and histories for extreme political ideologies, rallies, and even terrorist incidents. This paper will discuss how the Beowulf manuscript portrays a variety of masculine types that often contradict one another. In addition, I will look at how postmodern receptions, both political and cultural influence our understanding of masculinity in Old English literature. By contrasting examples of reception with the Beowulf manuscript, this paper will show how postmodern representation stagnates the approach t early medieval masculinity and reveals the challenges Old English scholars must tackle moving forward.

Bodley 516, a ninth-century Continental manuscript that was in England by the eleventh century, contains excerpts from De reparatione lapsi and Ad Theodorum monachum, two Latin translations of Greek works by John Chrysostom that circulated in the Middle Ages in the Wilmart collection of 38 sermons by and attributed to Chrysostom. Sermons from this collection were also known to Bede, and the complete collection was probably circulating in Northumbria in the early eighth century. The Bodley 516 excerpts reinforce the perception that the Wilmart sermons are in fact the only texts by Chrysostom and identified with him by name that were known in Anglo-Saxon England.