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THE RULE OF MORALITY - A NORMATIVE FRAMEWORK

2026, working paper

Abstract

This paper introduces the Rule of Morality, an original normative framework in political theory that reconceptualises the relationship between society, institutions, and governance. Against the dominant liberal tradition that treats the state and society as analytically distinct or even opposed spheres, the Rule of Morality argues that institutions are not autonomous entities but integral constituents of society, composed of individuals who emerge from within it and who reflect its prevailing moral condition. Institutional dysfunction, whether corruption, bureaucratic domination, or judicial failure, is thus understood not as an internal problem of governance but as a manifestation of moral deterioration within society itself. The paper develops this thesis in four stages: (1) a critical review of competing traditions in Western political thought regarding state-society relations; (2) an explication of the Rule of Morality framework and its theoretical premises; (3) an analysis of the role of philosophical foundations in shaping societal definitions of morality and their institutional implications; and (4) a normative account of the responsibilities of political leadership, the judiciary, and civil society in maintaining moral equilibrium. The paper concludes with broader reflections on the limitations of secularism and the separation of powers doctrine under conditions of moral crisis, and argues for a philosophically grounded approach to governance.

Rule of Morality: A Normative Framework for Political Analysis THE RULE OF MORALITY : A NORMATIVE FRAMEWORK FOR UNDERSTANDING SOCIETY, INSTITUTIONS, AND POLITICAL ORDER ASHISH KUMAR [email protected] This paper argues for a change in political system and structure. It is normative study and initial draft has been shared here. It is for heathy discussion. Feedback and suggestions are welcome. No part of this work may be reproduced, distributed or used without proper citation or prior permission from author. Page 1 Rule of Morality: A Normative Framework for Political Analysis THE RULE OF MORALITY : A NORMATIVE FRAMEWORK FOR UNDERSTANDING SOCIETY, INSTITUTIONS, AND POLITICAL ORDER Ashish Kumar Research Scholar, Department of Political Science Chaudhary Charan Singh University, Meerut [email protected] Abstract This paper introduces the Rule of Morality, an original normative framework in political theory that reconceptualises the relationship between society, institutions, and governance. Against the dominant liberal tradition that treats the state and society as analytically distinct or even opposed spheres, the Rule of Morality argues that institutions are not autonomous entities but integral constituents of society, composed of individuals who emerge from within it and who reflect its prevailing moral condition. Institutional dysfunction, whether corruption, bureaucratic domination, or judicial failure, is thus understood not as an internal problem of governance but as a manifestation of moral deterioration within society itself. The paper develops this thesis in four stages: (1) a critical review of competing traditions in Western political thought regarding state-society relations; (2) an explication of the Rule of Morality framework and its theoretical premises; (3) an analysis of the role of philosophical foundations in shaping societal definitions of morality and their institutional implications; and (4) a normative account of the responsibilities of political leadership, the judiciary, and civil society in maintaining moral equilibrium. The paper concludes with broader reflections on the limitations of secularism and the separation of powers doctrine under conditions of moral crisis, and argues for a philosophically grounded approach to governance. Keywords: Rule of Morality, political theory, state-society relations, normative framework, institutional morality, philosophical foundations, governance, judicial independence, separation of powers. 1. Introduction A foundational question in political theory concerns the nature of the relationship between society and the institutions that govern it. Are the state and its institutions autonomous structures, possessed of their own logic and operating independently of the social body from which they Page 2 Rule of Morality: A Normative Framework for Political Analysis emerge? Or are they, in some deeper sense, constitutive expressions of society, reflecting its values, its moral condition, and its underlying philosophical orientation? The answer to this question has profound implications not merely for abstract theory, but for how we understand political dysfunction, institutional failure, and the conditions under which legitimate governance is possible. Contemporary democratic systems are beset by a range of recurring dysfunctions: bureaucratic inefficiency, a tendency toward administrative domination rather than public service, growing popular disenchantment with political leadership, and the persistence of corruption at multiple levels of governance. These phenomena generate frustration that may, over time, evolve into instability and violence. In some cases, as witnessed in Nepal, Bangladesh, and Sri Lanka, popular frustration has escalated into direct confrontations with institutional structures themselves, raising fundamental questions about the basis of political legitimacy and the conditions for institutional credibility. This paper argues that these dysfunctions cannot be adequately explained, or remedied, through conventional institutional analysis alone. The Rule of Morality, the normative framework advanced in this paper, locates the roots of institutional failure not within institutions per se, but within the moral condition of the society from which institutions emerge. This framework proceeds from the premise that society is the foundational unit of political analysis and that institutions are integral parts of the social whole, not external or independent entities. From this premise, it follows that the moral character of institutions is derived from the moral character of society itself, and that sustainable governance ultimately depends upon the ethical health of the social foundation. The paper proceeds as follows. Section 2 provides a critical review of two dominant traditions in Western political thought: one that treats the state and society as analytically distinct Page 3 Rule of Morality: A Normative Framework for Political Analysis spheres, and another that emphasises their organic unity. Section 3 presents the Rule of Morality framework in detail. Section 4 examines the role of philosophical foundations in constituting societal definitions of morality and their implications for institutional functioning, including a discussion of pluralism, immigration, and secularism. Section 5 develops a normative account of the distribution of moral responsibility across primary social institutions, the judiciary, and political leadership. Section 6 offers conclusions and reflections on the broader implications of the framework. 2. State and Society in Western Political Thought: Two Traditions 2.1 The Tradition of Analytical Separation A dominant strand in modern political thought conceptualises the state and society as analytically distinct, and often oppositional, spheres, thereby granting institutions a significant degree of autonomy from the social body. This tradition may be traced to the social contract theorists of the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. In Leviathan (1651), Thomas Hobbes constructs the state as an artificial sovereign authority created through a social contract to impose order upon an otherwise chaotic natural condition, thereby clearly separating political authority from social existence. John Locke, in Two Treatises of Government (1689), refines this position: civil government is instituted to protect natural rights, again implying a contractual and external relationship between political authority and social life. Jean-Jacques Rousseau's The Social Contract (1762) occupies a more complex position. While the general will is held to be derived from the people, it nonetheless operates as a distinct moral and political authority that may diverge from the will of any particular individual or group. The institutional separation of powers receives canonical expression in Montesquieu's The Spirit of the Laws (1748), which treats the legislative, executive, and judicial branches of government as Page 4 Rule of Morality: A Normative Framework for Political Analysis independent entities designed to check one another. In the legal tradition, A.V. Dicey's Introduction to the Study of the Law of the Constitution (1885) reinforces the idea that legalinstitutional frameworks operate with a logic distinct from the fluctuations of social life through its emphasis on the rule of law. From a sociological perspective, elite theorists such as Vilfredo Pareto (The Mind and Society, 1916) and Gaetano Mosca (The Ruling Class, 1896) argue that a minority ruling elite governs society, establishing a structural divide between rulers and the broader population. Karl Marx, in The Communist Manifesto (1848) and Critique of the Gotha Programme (1875), treats the state as an instrument of class domination, structurally separated from society and serving the interests of the ruling class. Collectively, these traditions reinforce a framework in which the state, its institutions, and society are conceptualised as distinct units, interacting but not reducible to one another. 2.2 The Tradition of Organic Unity An alternative and equally venerable tradition in Western political and sociological thought treats the state and its institutions as embedded within, and reflective of, the wider social order. This tradition begins with Aristotle, who in Politics (c. 350 BCE) conceives the polis as a natural outgrowth of earlier social forms, the household and the village, implying that political organisation emerges organically from social life and cannot be fully understood in abstraction from it. This organic understanding is developed with greater systematic rigour by G.W.F. Hegel in Elements of the Philosophy of Right (1821), where the state is presented as the culmination of ethical life (Sittlichkeit), integrating family and civil society into a higher normative unity. Herbert Spencer, in The Principles of Sociology (1876–96), advances an analogous argument by way of Page 5 Rule of Morality: A Normative Framework for Political Analysis evolutionary biology: the state is an extension of social evolution rather than a detached authority. Émile Durkheim, in The Division of Labour in Society (1893), argues that collective consciousness and social facts shape institutional arrangements, indicating that political structures are conditioned by underlying social norms. In twentieth-century critical theory, Antonio Gramsci's Prison Notebooks (written 1929– 35, published 1971) offer perhaps the most sophisticated articulation of this tradition. Gramsci conceptualises the state in its 'integral' sense as encompassing both political society and civil society, where institutions function through socially embedded norms and hegemonic practices rather than coercive authority alone. Taken together, these perspectives converge on the view that political institutions are deeply rooted in, and continuously shaped by, the broader social fabric in which they are situated. 2.3 The Need for a New Framework Both traditions illuminate important dimensions of the state-society relationship, but each remains partial. The tradition of analytical separation rightly draws attention to the relative autonomy of institutional structures and the dangers of their capture by particular social interests, but it risks reifying institutions as if they could be reformed independently of the social conditions that produce them. The tradition of organic unity rightly emphasises that institutions cannot be understood in isolation from society, but it sometimes lacks a normative account of what the relationship between society and its institutions ought to be, and how breakdowns in that relationship are to be diagnosed and remedied. The Rule of Morality attempts to synthesise and extend these traditions by grounding political analysis in a unified framework that takes society as its foundational unit, while developing a systematic normative account of the conditions under which institutions can function Page 6 Rule of Morality: A Normative Framework for Political Analysis effectively and the responsibilities of different actors, families, communities, educational institutions, the judiciary, and political leadership, in maintaining the moral order upon which good governance depends. 3. The Rule of Morality: Theoretical Premises 3.1 Society as the Foundational Unit The Rule of Morality begins with a premise that is at once simple and far-reaching: society must be treated as the foundational unit of political analysis. This means that all institutions, the government, the legislature, the judiciary, the executive, are composed of individuals who emerge from within society itself. Those who occupy positions of authority are not separate from the social body; they are drawn from it, shaped by its values, its norms, its moral orientations, and its material conditions. Institutions are not, therefore, autonomous structures standing above or apart from society, but integral parts of it, constituted by it and continuously reflecting it. This premise entails a methodological commitment that distinguishes the Rule of Morality from both liberal institutionalism and structural Marxism. Unlike liberal institutionalism, which tends to treat institutional design as the primary determinant of political outcomes, the Rule of Morality insists that institutional performance depends upon the moral condition of the social base from which institutions draw their personnel, their legitimacy, and their norms. Unlike structural Marxism, which locates the determinants of institutional behaviour primarily in economic class relations, the Rule of Morality emphasises the moral and philosophical dimensions of social life as the crucial mediating variables. 3.2 Institutional Dysfunction as Social Moral Failure Page 7 Rule of Morality: A Normative Framework for Political Analysis The central theoretical claim of the Rule of Morality follows directly from this premise: any presence of injustice or corruption in institutions or governance is not seen as originating within those structures themselves, but as an extension of the moral condition of society. Institutional deficiencies are reflections of societal deficiencies. The moral character of institutions is derived from the society that produces and sustains them. This claim reframes the diagnosis of political dysfunction in a significant way. Rather than locating the problem in defective institutional design, inadequate legal frameworks, or the selfinterest of governing elites, explanations that dominate mainstream political science, the Rule of Morality directs attention to the moral ecology of society as a whole. Corruption in public office is symptomatic of a deeper moral deterioration that has already occurred within the social fabric. Judicial partiality reflects the erosion of norms of impartiality and fair dealing within the communities from which judges are drawn. Bureaucratic domination is an expression of a social culture in which the exercise of power for self-aggrandisement has become normalised. This does not mean that institutional structures are irrelevant. On the contrary, the Rule of Morality attributes considerable importance to institutional design, particularly to the frameworks that guide judicial reasoning and constrain individual discretion within the judiciary. However, it insists that institutional reform, however well-designed, cannot substitute for moral renewal within society. Institutions can at best slow the spread of moral deterioration; they cannot reverse it independently of broader social transformation. 3.3 The Dynamics of Moral Deterioration and Societal Response The Rule of Morality offers an account of how moral deterioration spreads through social and institutional life. At the foundational level, the responsibility for sustaining moral order lies with primary social institutions: the family, the neighbourhood, and the educational system. These Page 8 Rule of Morality: A Normative Framework for Political Analysis are the institutions that shape individual character, transmit ethical orientations across generations, and cultivate the habits of mind and conduct upon which civic life depends. When these primary institutions weaken or fail, when families cease to transmit moral norms, when neighbourhoods dissolve as communities, when education becomes a credentialing exercise rather than a formation of character, moral decline spreads more widely across society. As moral deterioration becomes more widespread, formal institutions, especially the judiciary, assume critical importance as mechanisms for restraining wrongdoing and upholding normative standards. However, the Rule of Morality emphasises a crucial dynamic: if the judiciary fails to act effectively against unethical practices, such inaction does not remain neutral. Instead, it confers a form of legitimacy upon wrongdoing, normalising it within both institutional and social contexts. This normalisation represents a particularly dangerous phase, as it accelerates moral degradation across the system. In such circumstances, increasing pressure falls upon political leadership to intervene and restore order. Yet existing institutional arrangements, particularly rigid interpretations of the separation of powers and judicial independence, may limit the capacity of leadership to respond effectively to systemic moral failure. Democratic systems do provide mechanisms of accountability, most notably through periodic elections, which reduce, though do not eliminate, the likelihood of sustained ethical failure in political leadership. However, when political leadership itself fails to uphold moral order, it forfeits its moral legitimacy to govern. Under such circumstances, the Rule of Morality holds that society itself assumes the responsibility of restoring moral balance, and that actions undertaken by the public to hold representatives accountable and re-establish ethical governance are morally justified insofar as they are directed toward the restoration of moral order. Page 9 Rule of Morality: A Normative Framework for Political Analysis 4. Philosophical Foundations, Pluralism, and Institutional Coherence 4.1 Society Defined by Philosophical Foundation A crucial theoretical move in the Rule of Morality is its reconceptualisation of society itself. Society should not be understood merely as a group of families or people living together in geographical proximity. Rather, it should be understood as a community of people sharing a similar philosophical foundation, a common set of assumptions about the nature of the world, the basis of value, and the criteria for distinguishing right from wrong. This philosophical foundation evolves through a long historical process shaped by culture, traditions, customs, and religious or secular worldviews. When society is defined in this manner, it becomes considerably easier to interpret what is considered moral or immoral within a given context. The distinction between right and wrong is not universal or fixed, but is constituted by the philosophical orientation of the community in question. Dietary practices provide an instructive illustration: in Hindu and Jain traditions, a vegetarian diet is considered morally superior, while non-vegetarian practices may be viewed as ethically problematic. In contrast, Islamic and Christian traditions make no such distinction, treating both as morally permissible. What is experienced as a moral violation in one community may be unremarkable in another. These differences are not merely matters of preference; they reflect deep divergences in philosophical orientation that shape the entire moral ecology of a society. 4.2 Implications for Pluralism and Immigration This reconceptualisation of society carries significant implications for the analysis of pluralism and immigration. While immigration is frequently approached on humanitarian grounds, Page 10 Rule of Morality: A Normative Framework for Political Analysis and those grounds retain their force, the Rule of Morality draws attention to the normative challenges that arise when communities with divergent philosophical foundations inhabit the same political space. The presence of groups with substantially different moral frameworks may give rise to competing attempts to shape institutions, particularly educational institutions and the judiciary, in accordance with their respective definitions of right and wrong. This is not merely a theoretical concern. In contemporary plural societies, disputes over school curricula, judicial appointments, and the content of anti-discrimination law frequently reflect underlying contests between communities with different philosophical orientations, each seeking normative legitimacy for their own framework within the public sphere. The Rule of Morality suggests that the demographic composition of a society, or what may be termed the population question, must therefore be taken seriously as a political variable, alongside the more familiar concerns of institutional design and policy choice. This argument should not be misread as a defence of ethnonationalism or cultural exclusionism. The Rule of Morality does not argue that societies should be ethnically or culturally homogeneous, nor that immigration should be curtailed on those grounds. Its argument is rather that institutions require a coherent philosophical foundation to function effectively, and that the management of philosophical pluralism within a shared political order is one of the central challenges of contemporary governance. 4.3 The Limitations of Secular Neutrality Contemporary states frequently respond to the challenge of philosophical pluralism through secularism: the adoption of a formally neutral stance on questions of ultimate value, treating religion and comprehensive moral doctrine as matters of private conviction rather than public institutional concern. The Rule of Morality is critical of this approach, arguing that secular Page 11 Rule of Morality: A Normative Framework for Political Analysis neutrality may not resolve, and may in some cases exacerbate, deeper normative divergences within society. The problem is that apparent neutrality is itself a normative commitment. A state that declines to articulate any philosophical foundation for its institutions does not thereby escape philosophical commitment; it simply adopts, often implicitly, the philosophical commitments embedded in liberal individualism, proceduralism, or some other framework. Groups whose philosophical orientations diverge significantly from these implicit commitments may experience the nominally neutral state as institutionally biased against them. In such circumstances, the absence of a clearly articulated philosophical foundation does not produce stability; it produces ongoing contestation over which framework will govern institutional practice. The Rule of Morality therefore argues for the necessity of a clearly defined philosophical basis for governance, not in the sense of privileging one religious tradition over others, but in the sense of articulating, through a deliberate and inclusive process, the foundational values and normative commitments that will guide institutional functioning. Without such clarity, competing philosophical influences will continue to affect institutional decisions in unpredictable and potentially destabilising ways. 5. The Distribution of Moral Responsibility 5.1 Primary Social Institutions The Rule of Morality assigns a foundational role to primary social institutions, the family, the neighbourhood, and the educational system, in maintaining moral order within society. These institutions function, in the first instance, as the principal mechanisms through which moral values are transmitted, ethical conduct is modelled, and wrongdoing is informally checked. Their Page 12 Rule of Morality: A Normative Framework for Political Analysis effectiveness depends upon the integrity of the philosophical foundation that they embody and transmit. The role of government in relation to these institutions is not to supplant or control them, but to sustain and strengthen them. Political leadership should ensure that families are not systematically undermined by economic pressures or social policy; that neighbourhoods retain the social capital necessary for informal norm enforcement; and that educational systems engage seriously with the task of moral formation rather than reducing education to the transmission of technical skills or ideological content. Where primary social institutions are functioning effectively, the demand placed upon formal institutions, especially the judiciary, is considerably reduced. 5.2 The Judiciary When instances of immorality arise beyond the capacity of primary social institutions to contain, the judiciary assumes a central role in responding through appropriate adjudication and enforcement of normative standards. The Rule of Morality emphasises several aspects of the judicial function that are often insufficiently appreciated in conventional accounts of judicial independence. First, the functioning of the judiciary cannot be detached from an understanding of society itself. Judicial decisions do not occur in a social vacuum; they are made by individuals shaped by particular social experiences and philosophical orientations, and they are received by a public that evaluates them against its own understanding of justice and morality. A gap between judicial reasoning and societal perceptions of right and wrong undermines the legitimacy of judicial outcomes and erodes public confidence in the rule of law. Page 13 Rule of Morality: A Normative Framework for Political Analysis Second, the judiciary requires a coherent and stable normative foundation to guide interpretation. Without such a foundation, individual judges may rely excessively on subjective reasoning, leading to inconsistent or socially disconnected outcomes. The Rule of Morality therefore argues that judicial reasoning should be anchored in the philosophical foundations of society, ensuring that legal interpretation remains aligned with socially recognised moral principles. This does not mean that courts should simply reflect popular opinion; it means that the normative framework within which judicial discretion operates should be explicitly articulated and publicly defensible. Third, institutional safeguards must be sufficiently robust to prevent individuals within the judiciary from reinterpreting or justifying immoral actions as moral through the exercise of discretionary authority. The development of clear procedural and normative frameworks, akin to standardised operating principles for judicial functioning, is essential to constrain arbitrary decision-making while preserving the space for legitimate judicial interpretation. 5.3 Political Leadership Political leadership occupies the apex of the normative hierarchy in the Rule of Morality framework. Its responsibilities are threefold. First, it must sustain and strengthen primary social institutions so that they remain effective in transmitting moral values and checking wrongdoing informally. Second, it must ensure that the judiciary is provided with the structural clarity, the normative frameworks, and the institutional support necessary to perform its adjudicative function effectively. Third, when the judiciary fails, political leadership must take the necessary measures to restore judicial effectiveness, a task that may require a critical reassessment of conventional doctrines of judicial independence that, under conditions of moral crisis, may become obstacles to effective governance. Page 14 Rule of Morality: A Normative Framework for Political Analysis The democratic accountability of political leadership through periodic elections provides an important, if imperfect, mechanism for ensuring that leadership remains responsive to societal moral expectations. However, elections alone are insufficient. Political leadership must take responsibility for the philosophical coherence of governance, articulating a shared normative foundation that can guide institutional functioning and provide a common reference point for the resolution of moral disputes. A political leadership that retreats into procedural neutrality, that treats questions of value as beyond the legitimate scope of governance, abandons this responsibility and leaves the field open to the competition of particular interests and partial philosophies. 5.4 The Moral Justification of Collective Action The Rule of Morality includes a normative account of collective political action. When the chain of moral responsibility fails, when primary social institutions deteriorate, when the judiciary abdicates its function, and when political leadership proves incapable of restoring moral order, society itself assumes the responsibility of re-establishing ethical governance. The theory holds that a political leadership that fails to uphold moral order loses its moral legitimacy to govern, even if it retains formal constitutional authority. In such circumstances, actions undertaken by citizens to hold representatives accountable and to restore ethical governance are considered morally justified within the framework of the Rule of Morality, insofar as they are genuinely directed toward the restoration of moral order rather than the advancement of particular interests. This position has resonance with classical theories of the right of resistance, including those of Locke and, in a different register, Gramsci, but it grounds that right not in the violation of individual rights or the failure of hegemonic consent, but in the Page 15 Rule of Morality: A Normative Framework for Political Analysis failure of the moral responsibility that political leadership owes to the society from which its authority is derived. 6. Conclusion This paper has presented the Rule of Morality as a normative framework for political analysis that reconceptualises the relationship between society, institutions, and governance. Against the dominant liberal tradition that treats the state and society as analytically distinct spheres, the Rule of Morality insists that institutions are integral parts of the social whole, constituted by society, reflecting its moral condition, and dependent upon its ethical health for their effective functioning. The framework generates several important theoretical and practical implications. It suggests that the diagnosis of political dysfunction must look beyond institutional design to the moral ecology of society as a whole. It emphasises the crucial role of primary social institutions, the family, the neighbourhood, the educational system, in maintaining the moral foundations upon which formal institutions depend. It argues for a philosophically grounded approach to judicial interpretation, one that anchors legal reasoning in the shared normative commitments of the community rather than in the subjective discretion of individual judges or the formal logic of legal rules alone. And it calls for a reconsideration of conventional doctrines, including the strict separation of powers and secular neutrality, in light of their adequacy under conditions of moral crisis. The Rule of Morality does not claim that wrongdoing can be eliminated from political life; it recognises that moral values and immoral tendencies coexist in every society. Its aspiration is more modest but no less important: to ensure that wrongdoing does not become dominant or Page 16 Rule of Morality: A Normative Framework for Political Analysis influential, that institutions remain protected from its effects, and that the moral foundations upon which sustainable governance depends are actively cultivated and defended. In an era of deepening democratic dysfunction, this aspiration deserves serious theoretical and practical attention. Future work in this framework will need to address several open questions: How can the philosophical foundations of a pluralistic society be articulated without privileging particular traditions? What institutional mechanisms can facilitate the kind of coordinated moral response that the framework envisages without compromising constitutional safeguards? And how can the concept of moral justification for collective action be operationalised without becoming a cover for the assertion of particular group interests? These are challenging questions, but they are the right questions to ask. The Rule of Morality offers a starting point for the inquiry. References Aristotle. (1992). Politics (T. A. Sinclair, Trans., revised by T. J. Saunders). Penguin Classics. (Original work c. 350 BCE) Dicey, A. V. (1885). Introduction to the Study of the Law of the Constitution. Macmillan. Durkheim, É. (1893). The Division of Labour in Society (W. D. Halls, Trans.). Macmillan. Gramsci, A. (1971). Selections from the Prison Notebooks (Q. Hoare & G. N. Smith, Eds. & Trans.). Lawrence and Wishart. (Original work written 1929–35) Hegel, G. W. F. (1821). Elements of the Philosophy of Right (A. W. Wood, Ed.; H. B. Nisbet, Trans.). Cambridge University Press. Hobbes, T. (1651). Leviathan (R. Tuck, Ed.). Cambridge University Press. Locke, J. (1689). Two Treatises of Government (P. Laslett, Ed.). Cambridge University Press. Marx, K., & Engels, F. (1848). The Communist Manifesto (S. Moore, Trans.). Penguin. (Original work published 1848) Marx, K. (1875). Critique of the Gotha Programme. In K. Marx & F. Engels, Selected Works (Vol. 3). Progress Publishers. Montesquieu. (1748). The Spirit of the Laws (A. M. Cohler, B. C. Miller, & H. S. Stone, Eds. & Trans.). Cambridge University Press. Mosca, G. (1896). The Ruling Class (H. D. Kahn, Trans.). McGraw-Hill. Pareto, V. (1916). The Mind and Society (A. Bongiorno & A. Livingston, Trans.). Harcourt, Brace. Page 17 Rule of Morality: A Normative Framework for Political Analysis Rousseau, J.-J. (1762). The Social Contract (M. Cranston, Trans.). Penguin Classics. Spencer, H. (1876–96). The Principles of Sociology (3 vols.). Williams and Norgate. Page 18

References (14)

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  3. Durkheim, É. (1893). The Division of Labour in Society (W. D. Halls, Trans.). Macmillan.
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  5. Hegel, G. W. F. (1821). Elements of the Philosophy of Right (A. W. Wood, Ed.; H. B. Nisbet, Trans.). Cambridge University Press.
  6. Hobbes, T. (1651). Leviathan (R. Tuck, Ed.). Cambridge University Press.
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CHAUDHARY CHARAN SINGH UNIVERSITY MEERUT, Graduate Student

PhD Scholar Political Science, having focus on Decolonization of Minds, Nationalism, Hindutva as Political Theory and Indian Knowledge System

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