Rule of Morality: A Normative Framework for Political Analysis
THE RULE OF MORALITY :
A NORMATIVE FRAMEWORK FOR UNDERSTANDING SOCIETY,
INSTITUTIONS, AND POLITICAL ORDER
ASHISH KUMAR
[email protected]
This paper argues for a change in political system and structure. It is
normative study and initial draft has been shared here. It is for heathy
discussion. Feedback and suggestions are welcome. No part of this work
may be reproduced, distributed or used without proper citation or prior
permission from author.
Page 1
Rule of Morality: A Normative Framework for Political Analysis
THE RULE OF MORALITY :
A NORMATIVE FRAMEWORK FOR UNDERSTANDING SOCIETY,
INSTITUTIONS, AND POLITICAL ORDER
Ashish Kumar
Research Scholar, Department of Political Science
Chaudhary Charan Singh University, Meerut
[email protected]
Abstract
This paper introduces the Rule of Morality, an original normative framework in political
theory that reconceptualises the relationship between society, institutions, and governance.
Against the dominant liberal tradition that treats the state and society as analytically distinct
or even opposed spheres, the Rule of Morality argues that institutions are not autonomous
entities but integral constituents of society, composed of individuals who emerge from
within it and who reflect its prevailing moral condition. Institutional dysfunction, whether
corruption, bureaucratic domination, or judicial failure, is thus understood not as an internal
problem of governance but as a manifestation of moral deterioration within society itself.
The paper develops this thesis in four stages: (1) a critical review of competing traditions
in Western political thought regarding state-society relations; (2) an explication of the Rule
of Morality framework and its theoretical premises; (3) an analysis of the role of
philosophical foundations in shaping societal definitions of morality and their institutional
implications; and (4) a normative account of the responsibilities of political leadership, the
judiciary, and civil society in maintaining moral equilibrium. The paper concludes with
broader reflections on the limitations of secularism and the separation of powers doctrine
under conditions of moral crisis, and argues for a philosophically grounded approach to
governance.
Keywords: Rule of Morality, political theory, state-society relations, normative framework,
institutional morality, philosophical foundations, governance, judicial independence, separation
of powers.
1. Introduction
A foundational question in political theory concerns the nature of the relationship between
society and the institutions that govern it. Are the state and its institutions autonomous structures,
possessed of their own logic and operating independently of the social body from which they
Page 2
Rule of Morality: A Normative Framework for Political Analysis
emerge? Or are they, in some deeper sense, constitutive expressions of society, reflecting its
values, its moral condition, and its underlying philosophical orientation? The answer to this
question has profound implications not merely for abstract theory, but for how we understand
political dysfunction, institutional failure, and the conditions under which legitimate governance
is possible.
Contemporary democratic systems are beset by a range of recurring dysfunctions:
bureaucratic inefficiency, a tendency toward administrative domination rather than public service,
growing popular disenchantment with political leadership, and the persistence of corruption at
multiple levels of governance. These phenomena generate frustration that may, over time, evolve
into instability and violence. In some cases, as witnessed in Nepal, Bangladesh, and Sri Lanka,
popular frustration has escalated into direct confrontations with institutional structures themselves,
raising fundamental questions about the basis of political legitimacy and the conditions for
institutional credibility.
This paper argues that these dysfunctions cannot be adequately explained, or remedied,
through conventional institutional analysis alone. The Rule of Morality, the normative framework
advanced in this paper, locates the roots of institutional failure not within institutions per se, but
within the moral condition of the society from which institutions emerge. This framework proceeds
from the premise that society is the foundational unit of political analysis and that institutions are
integral parts of the social whole, not external or independent entities. From this premise, it follows
that the moral character of institutions is derived from the moral character of society itself, and
that sustainable governance ultimately depends upon the ethical health of the social foundation.
The paper proceeds as follows. Section 2 provides a critical review of two dominant
traditions in Western political thought: one that treats the state and society as analytically distinct
Page 3
Rule of Morality: A Normative Framework for Political Analysis
spheres, and another that emphasises their organic unity. Section 3 presents the Rule of Morality
framework in detail. Section 4 examines the role of philosophical foundations in constituting
societal definitions of morality and their implications for institutional functioning, including a
discussion of pluralism, immigration, and secularism. Section 5 develops a normative account of
the distribution of moral responsibility across primary social institutions, the judiciary, and
political leadership. Section 6 offers conclusions and reflections on the broader implications of the
framework.
2. State and Society in Western Political Thought: Two Traditions
2.1 The Tradition of Analytical Separation
A dominant strand in modern political thought conceptualises the state and society as
analytically distinct, and often oppositional, spheres, thereby granting institutions a significant
degree of autonomy from the social body. This tradition may be traced to the social contract
theorists of the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. In Leviathan (1651), Thomas Hobbes
constructs the state as an artificial sovereign authority created through a social contract to impose
order upon an otherwise chaotic natural condition, thereby clearly separating political authority
from social existence. John Locke, in Two Treatises of Government (1689), refines this position:
civil government is instituted to protect natural rights, again implying a contractual and external
relationship between political authority and social life.
Jean-Jacques Rousseau's The Social Contract (1762) occupies a more complex position.
While the general will is held to be derived from the people, it nonetheless operates as a distinct
moral and political authority that may diverge from the will of any particular individual or group.
The institutional separation of powers receives canonical expression in Montesquieu's The Spirit
of the Laws (1748), which treats the legislative, executive, and judicial branches of government as
Page 4
Rule of Morality: A Normative Framework for Political Analysis
independent entities designed to check one another. In the legal tradition, A.V. Dicey's
Introduction to the Study of the Law of the Constitution (1885) reinforces the idea that legalinstitutional frameworks operate with a logic distinct from the fluctuations of social life through
its emphasis on the rule of law.
From a sociological perspective, elite theorists such as Vilfredo Pareto (The Mind and
Society, 1916) and Gaetano Mosca (The Ruling Class, 1896) argue that a minority ruling elite
governs society, establishing a structural divide between rulers and the broader population. Karl
Marx, in The Communist Manifesto (1848) and Critique of the Gotha Programme (1875), treats
the state as an instrument of class domination, structurally separated from society and serving the
interests of the ruling class. Collectively, these traditions reinforce a framework in which the state,
its institutions, and society are conceptualised as distinct units, interacting but not reducible to one
another.
2.2 The Tradition of Organic Unity
An alternative and equally venerable tradition in Western political and sociological thought
treats the state and its institutions as embedded within, and reflective of, the wider social order.
This tradition begins with Aristotle, who in Politics (c. 350 BCE) conceives the polis as a natural
outgrowth of earlier social forms, the household and the village, implying that political
organisation emerges organically from social life and cannot be fully understood in abstraction
from it.
This organic understanding is developed with greater systematic rigour by G.W.F. Hegel
in Elements of the Philosophy of Right (1821), where the state is presented as the culmination of
ethical life (Sittlichkeit), integrating family and civil society into a higher normative unity. Herbert
Spencer, in The Principles of Sociology (1876–96), advances an analogous argument by way of
Page 5
Rule of Morality: A Normative Framework for Political Analysis
evolutionary biology: the state is an extension of social evolution rather than a detached authority.
Émile Durkheim, in The Division of Labour in Society (1893), argues that collective consciousness
and social facts shape institutional arrangements, indicating that political structures are
conditioned by underlying social norms.
In twentieth-century critical theory, Antonio Gramsci's Prison Notebooks (written 1929–
35, published 1971) offer perhaps the most sophisticated articulation of this tradition. Gramsci
conceptualises the state in its 'integral' sense as encompassing both political society and civil
society, where institutions function through socially embedded norms and hegemonic practices
rather than coercive authority alone. Taken together, these perspectives converge on the view that
political institutions are deeply rooted in, and continuously shaped by, the broader social fabric in
which they are situated.
2.3 The Need for a New Framework
Both traditions illuminate important dimensions of the state-society relationship, but each
remains partial. The tradition of analytical separation rightly draws attention to the relative
autonomy of institutional structures and the dangers of their capture by particular social interests,
but it risks reifying institutions as if they could be reformed independently of the social conditions
that produce them. The tradition of organic unity rightly emphasises that institutions cannot be
understood in isolation from society, but it sometimes lacks a normative account of what the
relationship between society and its institutions ought to be, and how breakdowns in that
relationship are to be diagnosed and remedied.
The Rule of Morality attempts to synthesise and extend these traditions by grounding
political analysis in a unified framework that takes society as its foundational unit, while
developing a systematic normative account of the conditions under which institutions can function
Page 6
Rule of Morality: A Normative Framework for Political Analysis
effectively and the responsibilities of different actors, families, communities, educational
institutions, the judiciary, and political leadership, in maintaining the moral order upon which good
governance depends.
3. The Rule of Morality: Theoretical Premises
3.1 Society as the Foundational Unit
The Rule of Morality begins with a premise that is at once simple and far-reaching: society
must be treated as the foundational unit of political analysis. This means that all institutions, the
government, the legislature, the judiciary, the executive, are composed of individuals who emerge
from within society itself. Those who occupy positions of authority are not separate from the social
body; they are drawn from it, shaped by its values, its norms, its moral orientations, and its material
conditions. Institutions are not, therefore, autonomous structures standing above or apart from
society, but integral parts of it, constituted by it and continuously reflecting it.
This premise entails a methodological commitment that distinguishes the Rule of Morality
from both liberal institutionalism and structural Marxism. Unlike liberal institutionalism, which
tends to treat institutional design as the primary determinant of political outcomes, the Rule of
Morality insists that institutional performance depends upon the moral condition of the social base
from which institutions draw their personnel, their legitimacy, and their norms. Unlike structural
Marxism, which locates the determinants of institutional behaviour primarily in economic class
relations, the Rule of Morality emphasises the moral and philosophical dimensions of social life
as the crucial mediating variables.
3.2 Institutional Dysfunction as Social Moral Failure
Page 7
Rule of Morality: A Normative Framework for Political Analysis
The central theoretical claim of the Rule of Morality follows directly from this premise:
any presence of injustice or corruption in institutions or governance is not seen as originating
within those structures themselves, but as an extension of the moral condition of society.
Institutional deficiencies are reflections of societal deficiencies. The moral character of institutions
is derived from the society that produces and sustains them.
This claim reframes the diagnosis of political dysfunction in a significant way. Rather than
locating the problem in defective institutional design, inadequate legal frameworks, or the selfinterest of governing elites, explanations that dominate mainstream political science, the Rule of
Morality directs attention to the moral ecology of society as a whole. Corruption in public office
is symptomatic of a deeper moral deterioration that has already occurred within the social fabric.
Judicial partiality reflects the erosion of norms of impartiality and fair dealing within the
communities from which judges are drawn. Bureaucratic domination is an expression of a social
culture in which the exercise of power for self-aggrandisement has become normalised.
This does not mean that institutional structures are irrelevant. On the contrary, the Rule of
Morality attributes considerable importance to institutional design, particularly to the frameworks
that guide judicial reasoning and constrain individual discretion within the judiciary. However, it
insists that institutional reform, however well-designed, cannot substitute for moral renewal within
society. Institutions can at best slow the spread of moral deterioration; they cannot reverse it
independently of broader social transformation.
3.3 The Dynamics of Moral Deterioration and Societal Response
The Rule of Morality offers an account of how moral deterioration spreads through social
and institutional life. At the foundational level, the responsibility for sustaining moral order lies
with primary social institutions: the family, the neighbourhood, and the educational system. These
Page 8
Rule of Morality: A Normative Framework for Political Analysis
are the institutions that shape individual character, transmit ethical orientations across generations,
and cultivate the habits of mind and conduct upon which civic life depends. When these primary
institutions weaken or fail, when families cease to transmit moral norms, when neighbourhoods
dissolve as communities, when education becomes a credentialing exercise rather than a formation
of character, moral decline spreads more widely across society.
As moral deterioration becomes more widespread, formal institutions, especially the
judiciary, assume critical importance as mechanisms for restraining wrongdoing and upholding
normative standards. However, the Rule of Morality emphasises a crucial dynamic: if the judiciary
fails to act effectively against unethical practices, such inaction does not remain neutral. Instead,
it confers a form of legitimacy upon wrongdoing, normalising it within both institutional and social
contexts. This normalisation represents a particularly dangerous phase, as it accelerates moral
degradation across the system.
In such circumstances, increasing pressure falls upon political leadership to intervene and
restore order. Yet existing institutional arrangements, particularly rigid interpretations of the
separation of powers and judicial independence, may limit the capacity of leadership to respond
effectively to systemic moral failure. Democratic systems do provide mechanisms of
accountability, most notably through periodic elections, which reduce, though do not eliminate,
the likelihood of sustained ethical failure in political leadership. However, when political
leadership itself fails to uphold moral order, it forfeits its moral legitimacy to govern. Under such
circumstances, the Rule of Morality holds that society itself assumes the responsibility of restoring
moral balance, and that actions undertaken by the public to hold representatives accountable and
re-establish ethical governance are morally justified insofar as they are directed toward the
restoration of moral order.
Page 9
Rule of Morality: A Normative Framework for Political Analysis
4. Philosophical Foundations, Pluralism, and Institutional Coherence
4.1 Society Defined by Philosophical Foundation
A crucial theoretical move in the Rule of Morality is its reconceptualisation of society
itself. Society should not be understood merely as a group of families or people living together in
geographical proximity. Rather, it should be understood as a community of people sharing a
similar philosophical foundation, a common set of assumptions about the nature of the world, the
basis of value, and the criteria for distinguishing right from wrong. This philosophical foundation
evolves through a long historical process shaped by culture, traditions, customs, and religious or
secular worldviews.
When society is defined in this manner, it becomes considerably easier to interpret what is
considered moral or immoral within a given context. The distinction between right and wrong is
not universal or fixed, but is constituted by the philosophical orientation of the community in
question. Dietary practices provide an instructive illustration: in Hindu and Jain traditions, a
vegetarian diet is considered morally superior, while non-vegetarian practices may be viewed as
ethically problematic. In contrast, Islamic and Christian traditions make no such distinction,
treating both as morally permissible. What is experienced as a moral violation in one community
may be unremarkable in another. These differences are not merely matters of preference; they
reflect deep divergences in philosophical orientation that shape the entire moral ecology of a
society.
4.2 Implications for Pluralism and Immigration
This reconceptualisation of society carries significant implications for the analysis of
pluralism and immigration. While immigration is frequently approached on humanitarian grounds,
Page 10
Rule of Morality: A Normative Framework for Political Analysis
and those grounds retain their force, the Rule of Morality draws attention to the normative
challenges that arise when communities with divergent philosophical foundations inhabit the same
political space. The presence of groups with substantially different moral frameworks may give
rise to competing attempts to shape institutions, particularly educational institutions and the
judiciary, in accordance with their respective definitions of right and wrong.
This is not merely a theoretical concern. In contemporary plural societies, disputes over
school curricula, judicial appointments, and the content of anti-discrimination law frequently
reflect underlying contests between communities with different philosophical orientations, each
seeking normative legitimacy for their own framework within the public sphere. The Rule of
Morality suggests that the demographic composition of a society, or what may be termed the
population question, must therefore be taken seriously as a political variable, alongside the more
familiar concerns of institutional design and policy choice.
This argument should not be misread as a defence of ethnonationalism or cultural
exclusionism. The Rule of Morality does not argue that societies should be ethnically or culturally
homogeneous, nor that immigration should be curtailed on those grounds. Its argument is rather
that institutions require a coherent philosophical foundation to function effectively, and that the
management of philosophical pluralism within a shared political order is one of the central
challenges of contemporary governance.
4.3 The Limitations of Secular Neutrality
Contemporary states frequently respond to the challenge of philosophical pluralism
through secularism: the adoption of a formally neutral stance on questions of ultimate value,
treating religion and comprehensive moral doctrine as matters of private conviction rather than
public institutional concern. The Rule of Morality is critical of this approach, arguing that secular
Page 11
Rule of Morality: A Normative Framework for Political Analysis
neutrality may not resolve, and may in some cases exacerbate, deeper normative divergences
within society.
The problem is that apparent neutrality is itself a normative commitment. A state that
declines to articulate any philosophical foundation for its institutions does not thereby escape
philosophical commitment; it simply adopts, often implicitly, the philosophical commitments
embedded in liberal individualism, proceduralism, or some other framework. Groups whose
philosophical orientations diverge significantly from these implicit commitments may experience
the nominally neutral state as institutionally biased against them. In such circumstances, the
absence of a clearly articulated philosophical foundation does not produce stability; it produces
ongoing contestation over which framework will govern institutional practice.
The Rule of Morality therefore argues for the necessity of a clearly defined philosophical
basis for governance, not in the sense of privileging one religious tradition over others, but in the
sense of articulating, through a deliberate and inclusive process, the foundational values and
normative commitments that will guide institutional functioning. Without such clarity, competing
philosophical influences will continue to affect institutional decisions in unpredictable and
potentially destabilising ways.
5. The Distribution of Moral Responsibility
5.1 Primary Social Institutions
The Rule of Morality assigns a foundational role to primary social institutions, the family,
the neighbourhood, and the educational system, in maintaining moral order within society. These
institutions function, in the first instance, as the principal mechanisms through which moral values
are transmitted, ethical conduct is modelled, and wrongdoing is informally checked. Their
Page 12
Rule of Morality: A Normative Framework for Political Analysis
effectiveness depends upon the integrity of the philosophical foundation that they embody and
transmit.
The role of government in relation to these institutions is not to supplant or control them,
but to sustain and strengthen them. Political leadership should ensure that families are not
systematically undermined by economic pressures or social policy; that neighbourhoods retain the
social capital necessary for informal norm enforcement; and that educational systems engage
seriously with the task of moral formation rather than reducing education to the transmission of
technical skills or ideological content. Where primary social institutions are functioning
effectively, the demand placed upon formal institutions, especially the judiciary, is considerably
reduced.
5.2 The Judiciary
When instances of immorality arise beyond the capacity of primary social institutions to
contain, the judiciary assumes a central role in responding through appropriate adjudication and
enforcement of normative standards. The Rule of Morality emphasises several aspects of the
judicial function that are often insufficiently appreciated in conventional accounts of judicial
independence.
First, the functioning of the judiciary cannot be detached from an understanding of society
itself. Judicial decisions do not occur in a social vacuum; they are made by individuals shaped by
particular social experiences and philosophical orientations, and they are received by a public that
evaluates them against its own understanding of justice and morality. A gap between judicial
reasoning and societal perceptions of right and wrong undermines the legitimacy of judicial
outcomes and erodes public confidence in the rule of law.
Page 13
Rule of Morality: A Normative Framework for Political Analysis
Second, the judiciary requires a coherent and stable normative foundation to guide
interpretation. Without such a foundation, individual judges may rely excessively on subjective
reasoning, leading to inconsistent or socially disconnected outcomes. The Rule of Morality
therefore argues that judicial reasoning should be anchored in the philosophical foundations of
society, ensuring that legal interpretation remains aligned with socially recognised moral
principles. This does not mean that courts should simply reflect popular opinion; it means that the
normative framework within which judicial discretion operates should be explicitly articulated and
publicly defensible.
Third, institutional safeguards must be sufficiently robust to prevent individuals within the
judiciary from reinterpreting or justifying immoral actions as moral through the exercise of
discretionary authority. The development of clear procedural and normative frameworks, akin to
standardised operating principles for judicial functioning, is essential to constrain arbitrary
decision-making while preserving the space for legitimate judicial interpretation.
5.3 Political Leadership
Political leadership occupies the apex of the normative hierarchy in the Rule of Morality
framework. Its responsibilities are threefold. First, it must sustain and strengthen primary social
institutions so that they remain effective in transmitting moral values and checking wrongdoing
informally. Second, it must ensure that the judiciary is provided with the structural clarity, the
normative frameworks, and the institutional support necessary to perform its adjudicative function
effectively. Third, when the judiciary fails, political leadership must take the necessary measures
to restore judicial effectiveness, a task that may require a critical reassessment of conventional
doctrines of judicial independence that, under conditions of moral crisis, may become obstacles to
effective governance.
Page 14
Rule of Morality: A Normative Framework for Political Analysis
The democratic accountability of political leadership through periodic elections provides
an important, if imperfect, mechanism for ensuring that leadership remains responsive to societal
moral expectations. However, elections alone are insufficient. Political leadership must take
responsibility for the philosophical coherence of governance, articulating a shared normative
foundation that can guide institutional functioning and provide a common reference point for the
resolution of moral disputes. A political leadership that retreats into procedural neutrality, that
treats questions of value as beyond the legitimate scope of governance, abandons this
responsibility and leaves the field open to the competition of particular interests and partial
philosophies.
5.4 The Moral Justification of Collective Action
The Rule of Morality includes a normative account of collective political action. When the
chain of moral responsibility fails, when primary social institutions deteriorate, when the judiciary
abdicates its function, and when political leadership proves incapable of restoring moral order,
society itself assumes the responsibility of re-establishing ethical governance. The theory holds
that a political leadership that fails to uphold moral order loses its moral legitimacy to govern, even
if it retains formal constitutional authority.
In such circumstances, actions undertaken by citizens to hold representatives accountable
and to restore ethical governance are considered morally justified within the framework of the
Rule of Morality, insofar as they are genuinely directed toward the restoration of moral order rather
than the advancement of particular interests. This position has resonance with classical theories of
the right of resistance, including those of Locke and, in a different register, Gramsci, but it grounds
that right not in the violation of individual rights or the failure of hegemonic consent, but in the
Page 15
Rule of Morality: A Normative Framework for Political Analysis
failure of the moral responsibility that political leadership owes to the society from which its
authority is derived.
6. Conclusion
This paper has presented the Rule of Morality as a normative framework for political
analysis that reconceptualises the relationship between society, institutions, and governance.
Against the dominant liberal tradition that treats the state and society as analytically distinct
spheres, the Rule of Morality insists that institutions are integral parts of the social whole,
constituted by society, reflecting its moral condition, and dependent upon its ethical health for their
effective functioning.
The framework generates several important theoretical and practical implications. It
suggests that the diagnosis of political dysfunction must look beyond institutional design to the
moral ecology of society as a whole. It emphasises the crucial role of primary social institutions,
the family, the neighbourhood, the educational system, in maintaining the moral foundations upon
which formal institutions depend. It argues for a philosophically grounded approach to judicial
interpretation, one that anchors legal reasoning in the shared normative commitments of the
community rather than in the subjective discretion of individual judges or the formal logic of legal
rules alone. And it calls for a reconsideration of conventional doctrines, including the strict
separation of powers and secular neutrality, in light of their adequacy under conditions of moral
crisis.
The Rule of Morality does not claim that wrongdoing can be eliminated from political life;
it recognises that moral values and immoral tendencies coexist in every society. Its aspiration is
more modest but no less important: to ensure that wrongdoing does not become dominant or
Page 16
Rule of Morality: A Normative Framework for Political Analysis
influential, that institutions remain protected from its effects, and that the moral foundations upon
which sustainable governance depends are actively cultivated and defended. In an era of deepening
democratic dysfunction, this aspiration deserves serious theoretical and practical attention.
Future work in this framework will need to address several open questions: How can the
philosophical foundations of a pluralistic society be articulated without privileging particular
traditions? What institutional mechanisms can facilitate the kind of coordinated moral response
that the framework envisages without compromising constitutional safeguards? And how can the
concept of moral justification for collective action be operationalised without becoming a cover
for the assertion of particular group interests? These are challenging questions, but they are the
right questions to ask. The Rule of Morality offers a starting point for the inquiry.
References
Aristotle. (1992). Politics (T. A. Sinclair, Trans., revised by T. J. Saunders). Penguin Classics.
(Original work c. 350 BCE)
Dicey, A. V. (1885). Introduction to the Study of the Law of the Constitution. Macmillan.
Durkheim, É. (1893). The Division of Labour in Society (W. D. Halls, Trans.). Macmillan.
Gramsci, A. (1971). Selections from the Prison Notebooks (Q. Hoare & G. N. Smith, Eds. &
Trans.). Lawrence and Wishart. (Original work written 1929–35)
Hegel, G. W. F. (1821). Elements of the Philosophy of Right (A. W. Wood, Ed.; H. B. Nisbet,
Trans.). Cambridge University Press.
Hobbes, T. (1651). Leviathan (R. Tuck, Ed.). Cambridge University Press.
Locke, J. (1689). Two Treatises of Government (P. Laslett, Ed.). Cambridge University Press.
Marx, K., & Engels, F. (1848). The Communist Manifesto (S. Moore, Trans.). Penguin. (Original
work published 1848)
Marx, K. (1875). Critique of the Gotha Programme. In K. Marx & F. Engels, Selected Works (Vol.
3). Progress Publishers.
Montesquieu. (1748). The Spirit of the Laws (A. M. Cohler, B. C. Miller, & H. S. Stone, Eds. &
Trans.). Cambridge University Press.
Mosca, G. (1896). The Ruling Class (H. D. Kahn, Trans.). McGraw-Hill.
Pareto, V. (1916). The Mind and Society (A. Bongiorno & A. Livingston, Trans.). Harcourt, Brace.
Page 17
Rule of Morality: A Normative Framework for Political Analysis
Rousseau, J.-J. (1762). The Social Contract (M. Cranston, Trans.). Penguin Classics.
Spencer, H. (1876–96). The Principles of Sociology (3 vols.). Williams and Norgate.
Page 18