Adelheid of Burgundy. Representation and memory of an Ottonian Empress and Christian Saint

Adelheid of Burgundy „Representation and memory of an Ottonian Empress and Christian Saint” Hannah M. Buchinger a1203584 Vienna, August 2016 Program code: A 033 603 Department: History Professor: Irene Van Renswoude  Hannah M. Buchinger – a1203584 BA-Seminar Prof. Irene Van Renswoude Table of contents Introduction .............................................................................................................................. 2 I. Self-conception and perception by contemporaries ................................................... 5 1. The pillars of the political importance of Adelheid......................................................... 5 2. The impact of Adelheid’s rule as seen by contemporaries .............................................. 9 3. A new way of queenship ................................................................................................ 14 II. Adelheid’s memoria and later reception of contemporary images ......................... 16 1. Discussions on Adelheid’s influence ............................................................................. 17 2. Image of Adelheid as female ruler ................................................................................ 20 3. Memory of Adelheid as a faithful Christian and Saint .................................................. 22 Conclusion ............................................................................................................................... 26 Sources..................................................................................................................................... 27 1  Hannah M. Buchinger – a1203584 BA-Seminar Prof. Irene Van Renswoude Introduction Adelheid of Burgundy is a key figure of Ottonian reign. Her position as queen of Italy and her connections apparently made it possible for Otto I and herself to be crowned and anointed emperor and empress of the Roman Empire. This rather new way of crowning also the queen as particeps of the Emperorship has often been neglected in historical analysis, although Adelheid’s impact seems to have been of considerable importance. Born in about 931 as daughter of King Rudolf II of Burgundy and Berta she had a promising life ahead of her 1. Fate changed with her father’s death and Hugo of Italy’s following annexation of Burgundy by war and marriage. Hugo married Berta and engaged Adelheid to his son Lothar, whom Adelheid only married ten years later in 947. Until then she had been educated and prepared to be a future queen 2. At the same time Adelheid’s brother Konrad was sent to the court of Otto I, who supported Konrad’s claim to the Burgundian throne 3. After the death of Hugo of Italy the married couple Lothar and Adelheid were crowned king and queen of Italy. Shortly after the birth of Lothar and Adelheid’s daughter Emma, king Lothar died in 950. Again Adelheid was confronted with an enemy, Berengar of Ivrea, who took over the Italian kingdom and imprisoned her. After Adelheid’s escape from prison, Otto I intervened and waged war on Berengar, who had to yield. In 951 Adelheid and Otto I married and soon had four children of whom only Mathilda, later abbess of Quedlinburg, and Otto II, successor of Otto I, survived. Together with Otto I Adelheid was crowned and anointed empress of the Roman Empire on the 2nd of February 962. She also saw her son Otto II being crowned emperor and married to the Byzantine princess Theophanu. Adelheid even saw her grandson Otto III being crowned emperor in 996, whom she had supported after his parent’s death. Adelheid died in the night from the 16th to the 17th of December 999 aged 68. Her tomb was in the monastery of Seltz, which she had founded for her memory. 1 Biographical notes taken out of Hlawitschka, Eduard, Kaiserin Adelheid und Kaiserin Theophanu, in: Schnith, Karl Rudolf, Frauen des Mittelalters in Lebensbildern (Graz 1997), pp 27-71 2 Fößel, Amalie, Die Kaiserinnen des Mittelalters (Regensburg 2011), p 37f ; Hlawitschka, Kaiserin Adelheid und Kaiserin Theophanu, in: Schnith, Frauen des Mittelalters in Lebensbildern (1997), p 35 3 Hlawitschka, Kaiserin Adelheid und Kaiserin Theophanu, in: Schnith, Frauen des Mittelalters in Lebensbildern (1997), p 34 2  Hannah M. Buchinger – a1203584 BA-Seminar Prof. Irene Van Renswoude This biography already shows how turbulent Adelheid’s life must have been and according to the preserved sources actually has been. Some letters 4 from and to Adelheid, are preserved and known to historians. They may help understand the later image given of Adelheid, but especially how she was seen by her contemporaries and how her self- representation influenced an image of her being not only a saint, but above of all a mighty political ruler. These letters thus serve my research on how Adelheid apparently wanted to be – and actually was – perceived during her lifetime in comparison to later narratives. One of Adelheid’s contemporaries was Odilo of Cluny, the abbot of the monastery of Cluny, which was a Burgundian monastery verifiably supported by Adelheid 5. Odilo appears to have been close to Adelheid in her last years 6. Even though some historians abnegate this closeness 7 they do not deny that there has been some connection. As abbot of Cluny Odilo surely knew Adelheid and therefore it is probable that he witnessed 8 some of the events he described in his Epitaphium dominae Adelheidis imperatricis augustae 9. He at least heard about them by an eye-witness and created with this obituary, written shortly after Adelheid’s death in December 999, an image of Adelheid the God sent Empress. His text is focused exclusively on Adelheid’s life and sanctity and is one of the two main sources on Adelheid’s life. In his Epitaphium Adelheid is “an old woman approaching death, nostalgically reminiscing about her past” 10. A different depiction of Adelheid is to be found in Hrotsvit of Gandersheim’s Gesta Ottonis 11, written by another contemporary. This text covers only part of Adelheid’s life since it was written in 965/968 and focuses on a much more political picture of Adelheid. The monastery of Gandersheim was one of those used by the Ottonians to preserve their memory 12. It is not clear who gave the assignment for the biography of Otto I, but it either was abbess Gerberga in order to show the monastery’s thankfulness to Otto I, or Wilhelm of 4 Letters from and to Adelheid: https://epistolae.ccnmtl.columbia.edu/woman/19.html 5 Cescutti, Eva, Hrotsvit und die Männer. Konstruktionen von „Männlichkeit“ und „Weiblichkeit“ in der lateinischen Literatur im Umfeld der Ottonen (Munich 1998), p 233; Stafford, Queens, concubines and dowagers (1998), p 9 6 Stafford, Pauline, Queens, concubines and dowagers. The King’s Wife in the Early Middle Ages (London 1998), p 8; Paulhart, Herbert, Die Lebensbeschreibung der Kaiserin Adelheid von Abt Odilo von Cluny, in: Mitteillungen des Instituts für Österreichische Geschichtsforschung, Ergänzungsband 20/2 (1962), preface 7 Fößel, Die Kaiserinnen des Mittelalters (2011), p 35 8 Stafford, Queens, concubines and dowagers (1998), p 183 9 Odilo of Cluny, Epitaphium dominae Adelheidis imperatricis augustae, in: Gilsdorf, Sean, Queenship and Sanctity. The Lives of Mathilda and the Epitaph of Adelheid (2004), pp 128-143 10 Stafford, Queens, concubines and dowagers (1998), p 9 11 Hrotsvit of Gandersheim, Gesta Ottonis, in: Pfund, Der Hrotswitha Gedicht über Gandersheims Gründung und die Taten Kaiser Otto I (Leipzig 1891) 12 Althoff, Gerd, Gandersheim und Quedlinburg. Ottonische Frauenklöster als Herrschafts- und Überlieferungs- zentren, in: Frühmittelalterliche Studien 25/1991, pp 125, 144 3  Hannah M. Buchinger – a1203584 BA-Seminar Prof. Irene Van Renswoude Mainz or maybe even Otto I himself 13. Whoever it was, Hrotsvit only had oral transmissions as sources 14, since she was not as close to the Ottonians as Odilo of Cluny, but as a contemporary nun still close enough to the court in order to have access to the information she needed. Unfortunately the manuscript we have is missing a third of the text, which is about 600 verses and altogether would have covered nearly ten years in the life of Adelheid and Otto I. Later narratives give a rather traditional image of a female ruler as the wife of the Emperor or especially as the Saint she later becomes 15. But historiographical analyses in the last decades discuss many aspects of Adelheid’s life and therefore often give a different possibility of interpretation of the historical facts and see her as an important figure in the Ottonian reign. These are mostly based on Odilo of Cluny’s Epitaphium in order to analyse the image Odilo gives of Adelheid, but not how his text shaped the memory of Adelheid. The anew interest is also due to the anniversary of Adelheid’s decease in 1999. Most of the secondary literature I chose for this essay is at least supporting the idea of Adelheid being important in some way and not only being a saint or the wife of two medieval rulers. The main focus of my essay will lie on Adelheid’s self-conception and the actions taken by her as an active and important medieval female figure and her representation as a ruler and as a saint as written by contemporaries and as conserved in her memory and discussed in historiographical literature until today. Since the two aspects of her characterisation as a ruler and a saint influence her later memory and are clearly constructed by the authors of the existing sources, the reception of the texts as such is important. Moreover, the collective memory of Adelheid as well as her relation to the biographer Odilo of Cluny may be of some consequence. The main questions to be answered in this essay will be: How is Adelheid characterized? How is Odilo of Cluny creating a (new) image of Adelheid, which transcends for her cultural memory? Is Adelheid an ideal ruler and how should a female ruler be according to Odilo? Are there differences between Odilo of Cluny’s representation to the one made by Hrotsvit of Gandersheim? How is Adelheid remembered: as the powerful Ottonian empress or as the saint pictured by Odilo? 13 Homeyer, Helene, Werke. Roswitha von Gandersheim (Paderborn 1936), p 23 14 Ibidem, p 24 15 Parisse, Michel, Adélaïde de Bourgogne, in: Corbet/Goullet/Iogna-Prat, Actes du colloque international du Centre d’Études Médiévales, Adélaïde de Bourgogne. Genèse et représentation d’une sainteté impériale (1999), p 11 4  Hannah M. Buchinger – a1203584 BA-Seminar Prof. Irene Van Renswoude Thus, my essay will be divided in two main parts. The first one will focus on Adelheid the ruler and Adelheid the saint as images created and perceived by Adelheid herself. The second part will deal with the later memory of Adelheid, including discussions trying to grasp the “real” person of Adelheid as well as her memoria as a ruler and as a saint. I. Self-conception and perception by contemporaries Contrary to their titles most medieval queens seem to have had only small influence and much less impact on their husband’s or son’s rule as Adelheid had. To understand why and how this was possible, we need to look closely at the pillars on which Adelheid’s power rests and what the nature of her influence was. Analysing these historiographical facts permits us to see how Adelheid perceived herself, since actions often mirror thoughts and especially show how far her reach surely has been, even though it possibly went even beyond her manifest doings. Reactions to these actions and the interpretation of them by her contemporaries, first of all in letters and charters, but also in some parts of Hrotsvit’s Gesta Ottonis and Odilo of Cluny’s Epitaphium, is essential to get a glimpse on Adelheid in her time. 1. The pillars of the political importance of Adelheid Adelheid’s status as queen of Italy probably gave Adelheid her most important foundation of power. In this role she was a key figure to Otto I’s accession to the imperial throne, due to the late Carolingian tradition that the king of Italy is seen as the legitimate claimant to the imperial throne 16. This view of Adelheid being the legitimate heir to the Italian throne is supported by the later charters of Lothar, in which Adelheid regularly is named as the consors regni 17. Also the later imprisonment of Adelheid by Berengar of Ivrea may be an indication that Berengar probably feared Adelheid’s claims of power for the 16 Weinfurter, Stefan, Kaiserin Adelheid und das ottonische Kaisertum, in: Frühmittelalterliche Studien 33/1999, p 8; Hlawitschka, Kaiserin Adelheid und Kaiserin Theophanu, in: Schnith, Frauen des Mittelalters in Lebensbildern (1997), p 37 17 Hlawitschka, Kaiserin Adelheid und Kaiserin Theophanu, in: Schnith, Frauen des Mittelalters in Lebensbildern (1997), p 36 5  Hannah M. Buchinger – a1203584 BA-Seminar Prof. Irene Van Renswoude regnum Italiae to be rightful and thus threatening to his own plans of becoming king after her husband Lothar’s death 18. It is certain that Adelheid had influence on Otto I’s chances for the Italian throne, most likely she even played a key role in the process of legitimization due to the Italian traditions and laws and her lawful claim to the Italian throne as widow of Lothar. Her Italian roots also explain part of her power and how she could possibly be heir to her late husband’s throne. The three aspects personality, politics and tradition were prerequisites for the more active roles Italian queens had compared to other European entities 19. Even though Adelheid does not reign due to her imprisonment, Otto I still invades Italy, shortly afterwards marries Adelheid and claims the now vacant Italian throne. In addition the marriage between Adelheid and Otto I is also Adelheid’s restoration to political power 20. After their marriage Adelheid’s status in Hrotsvit of Gandersheim’s description changes and becomes that of a consors dignissima regni 21. The marriage is characterized as a union of equal partners and not as subjection of Adelheid to her new husband 22. Also Widukind in his Res gestae Saxonicae describes a gain of power for both sides, even though Adelheid is no longer mentioned in this source after the birth of her sons 23. All in all Adelheid’s powers in the Roman Empire clearly are a result of her Italian queenship on the one hand and the following marriage to Otto I on the other hand. Yet another important aspect of Adelheid’s power are her personal relations. These constitute another significant pillar for her power. Indeed already her parents’ social status as rulers of Burgundy was of consequence for Adelheid’s further life. Connections of her family included the already existing amicitia between Rudolf I and Heinrich I, which was later renewed with Otto I 24. Later Adelheid’s marriage to Lothar, the son of the Italian king Hugo, made it possible for herself to form some alliances at her husband’s court 25. Stafford even goes as far as saying that “it sometimes seems that to follow any family line in tenth-century Europe is to come back to Adelaide” 26, which clearly indicates that Adelheid was connected 18 Hlawitschka, Kaiserin Adelheid und Kaiserin Theophanu, in: Schnith, Frauen des Mittelalters in Lebensbildern (1997), p 36 19 Stafford, Queens, concubines and dowagers (1998), p 134 “in Italy personality, politics and tradition combined to allow queens of the ninth and tenth centuries more active roles than in most European countries “ 20 Cescutti, Hrotsvit und die Männer (1998), p 279 21 Hrotsvit of Gandersheim, Gesta Ottonis, v 665: „zur Genossin des Reichs, als würdigsten, ward sie gewählt“ 22 Cescutti, Hrotsvit und die Männer (1998), p 281 23 Ibidem, p 282f 24 Fößel, Die Kaiserinnen des Mittelalters (2011), p 37 25 Stafford, Queens, concubines and dowagers (1998), p 98 26 Ibidem, p 116 6  Hannah M. Buchinger – a1203584 BA-Seminar Prof. Irene Van Renswoude to all the important sovereigns of her time – often by direct familial relationships. From this starting point on Adelheid uses her connections in order to assure her good position or to make it even better. Adelheid understands early how important marriage politics are for this aim. Already in 954 Adelheid’s uncle Buchard II becomes duke of Swabia and marries the daughter of Heinrich of Bavaria 27. Later Adelheid’s daughter Emma gets married to Lothar of France, while Adelheid’s brother Konrad of Burgundy marries Mathilde, the sister of Lothar of France, both the children of Otto I’s sister Gerberga of France. These marriages apparently were discussed and fixed in 965, at a meeting of the members of the Ottonian family where Adelheid obviously played an important role 28. Also the marriage of Edgitha, sister of Otto I’s first wife Edith, to Adelheid’s uncle Ludwig 29 creates new close connections of Adelheid’s family and other important and thus influential members of the Ottonian reign. Another essential marriage was Otto II’s – Adelheid’s son – to the Byzantine princess Theophanu as it created the possibility to acknowledge Otto I as emperor and therefore heir to the Roman and Carolingian Empire next to the Byzantine Empire. All these important family connections are an enforcement of Adelheid’s power 30 and make her mother of the kingdoms 31. As some of these marriages were initiated or arranged by Adelheid we can see them – at least in parts – as results of Adelheid’s impact on Otto I’s rule, but all the same as strengthening pillar of her power. Nevertheless, in the conflicts after her marriage to Otto I with Liudolf, Otto I’s firstborn son, there is no intervention of Adelheid to be seen in the sources, nor in any secondary text. It is quite interesting that we do not have any trace of intervention of Adelheid in this conflict as its outcome was of importance also for herself in her role as the mother of another legitimate heir to Otto I’s throne. Yet Liudolf was the firstborn son and therefore Adelheid could have been interested to strengthen her position by establishing her son as the sole heir. However time showed that no intervention was needed, since after Liudolf’s death in 957 only Adelheid’s son Otto II remained as legitimate heir to succeed Otto I. Otto II soon was elected in the assembly (Reichsversammlung) of Worms in 961. Together with the death of another powerful man, Konrad the Red, Adelheid becomes more important in the process of political decision-making 32 and her influence rises even further as she has less rivals and a very solid foundation for her rule, even after her husband’s death. Moreover Adelheid also 27 Fößel, Die Kaiserinnen des Mittelalters (2011), p 41 28 Hlawitschka, Kaiserin Adelheid und Kaiserin Theophanu, in: Schnith, Frauen des Mittelalters in Lebensbildern (1997), p 43 29 Kaiser, Jürgen, Herrinnen der Welt. Kaiserinnen des Hochmittelalters (Regensburg 2011), p 15 30 Fößel, Die Kaiserinnen des Mittelalters (2011), p 41 31 Kaiser, Herrinnen der Welt (2011), p 13 32 Fößel, Die Kaiserinnen des Mittelalters (2011), p 41 7  Hannah M. Buchinger – a1203584 BA-Seminar Prof. Irene Van Renswoude was close to many monasteries and bishops, partly also by family ties, but mostly by donations bounding them to her 33. These connections were possible thanks to her wealth, especially her possessions, which are another important aspect of her power. Compared to other centuries and female rulers the Italian and Ottonian queens in the tenth century were already given large dowries 34, but Adelheid’s is still quite exceptional. As future queen of Italy Adelheid received many lands from Hugo – equally did Adelheid’s mother Berta – for the occasion of Adelheid’s engagement to Hugo’s son Lothar 35. When they finally got married Adelheid received another huge dowry 36. After the death of her mother Berta in 950 Adelheid also became heiress to most of the lands her mother possessed, among which also were dowry lands granted to Berta by Hugo 37. All together these donations assured and granted Adelheid her mighty position, as the charters of these donations state them as proprietas sua and de suo iure et dominio. This means that Adelheid has free power of disposition over her Italian possessions 38. The situation regarding her possessions in Italy bears little resemblance to the one concerning the dos Adelheid is given for and after her marriage to Otto I 39. As Uhlirz 40 explains Adelheid was not as free to act regarding her lands in the Ottonian realm. She possessed considerable parts, but after the death of Otto I she still needed approval for her actions, such as donating parts of her lands to monasteries. This may be due to the conflicts with her daughter in law Theophanu, since the charters of Otto I at first grant her these lands in proprium and with ius and dominium, which is nearly the same wording as in Lothar’s charters cited above. All in all her possessions were of high importance, as these lands grant queens a stable and lifelong income, mostly important in their time of widowhood 41 and Adelheid knew how to use them further than only as revenue. 33 For example a public letter to the bishopric of Vercelli from 995 making a donation (Letters from and to Adelheid: https://epistolae.ccnmtl.columbia.edu/woman/19.html) 34 Stafford, Queens, concubines and dowagers (1998), p 102 “some of the largest dowries are those recorded for the Italian and Ottonian queens and empresses of the tenth century” 35 Hlawitschka, Kaiserin Adelheid und Kaiserin Theophanu, in: Schnith, Frauen des Mittelalters in Lebensbildern (1997), p 34 36 Ibidem, p 35; Fößel, Die Kaiserinnen des Mittelalters (2011), p 38; letter 947 by Lothar granting land to Adelheid 37 Fößel, Die Kaiserinnen des Mittelalters (2011), p 38 38 Uhlirz, Mathilde, Die rechtliche Stellung der Kaiserinwitwe Adelheid im Deutschen und im Italischen Reich, in: Zeitschrift der Savigny-Stiftung für Rechtsgeschichte / Germanistische Abteilung 74 (1957), S 87 39 Hlawitschka, Kaiserin Adelheid und Kaiserin Theophanu, in: Schnith, Frauen des Mittelalters in Lebensbildern (1997), p 38; Fößel, Die Kaiserinnen des Mittelalters (2011), p 47 40 Uhlirz, Die rechtliche Stellung der Kaiserinwitwe Adelheid im Deutschen und im Italischen Reich, in: Zeitschrift der Savigny-Stiftung für Rechtsgeschichte / Germanistische Abteilung 74 (1957), S 95f 41 Stafford, Queens, concubines and dowagers (1998), p 102 “dowry lands provided revenue for the queens during her life and especially in her widowhood” 8  Hannah M. Buchinger – a1203584 BA-Seminar Prof. Irene Van Renswoude 2. The impact of Adelheid’s rule as seen by contemporaries The most important contemporary sources on Adelheid’s life and impact are Odilo of Cluny’s Epitaphium and Hrotsvit of Gandersheim Gesta Ottonis. In both sources Adelheid’s position and power are exceptional and can be analysed regarding different aspects of her rule. Most important seems to be her impact on the accession of Otto I and Otto III to the imperial throne. In fact there was a change in Otto I’s position because of his marriage to Adelheid, widow of the king of Italy42, as the tradition after the Carolingians was to crown the Italian king as the emperor 43. Odilo of Cluny even claims that “she set noble king Otto / over Rome as its Cesar” 44. This statement sums up how powerful Adelheid must have been according to her biographer. As Adelheid was crowned and anointed alongside with her husband Otto I – at least this is what Hrotsvit tells us 45 – her position must have been of some influence. At the time it was not usual for the empress to be crowned and anointed alongside with the emperor. This also laid the foundation for a longer tradition of the Middle Ages 46. The existing possibility of being consors regni started with the Carolingian queen Angilberga a century earlier. Konecny 47 shows that this is partly due to the regain of power of the Italian lands, where Langobardian law sees women as independent beings, and to the possibility of relinking Carolingian reign to the Roman and Byzantine tradition. Nevertheless Angilberga was neither crowned nor anointed empress, even though she reigned in Northern Italy for her husband, who waged a war in Southern Italy. This Italian particularity of female reign 48, starting with senatrix Marozia, is very important also in the life of Adelheid. However it is still new in the Ottonian conception of rulership for the wife of the king to play a part that active and to be called consors regni 49. Therefore Adelheid made way for her daughter in law Theophanu to be called “coimperatrix” as the next step 50. Together with this another change 42 Kaiser, Herrinnen der Welt (2011), p 13 43 Ibidem, p 21 44 Odilo of Cluny, Epitaphium dominae Adelheidis imperatricis augustae, chapter 3 (Gilsdorf, p 131) 45 Hrotsvit of Gandersheim, Gesta Ottonis, v 1479-1482: „Tragend das Zepter sowohl wie des Haupts anmutigen Kronschmucks, / Und, wie fordert ihr Staat, in sämtlichen Königsgewändern, / aber die Zierde von noch viel größeren Ehren empfing sie, / als mit dem hohen August [Otto I] sie zugleich dann wurde geweiht.“ 46 Fößel, Die Kaiserinnen des Mittelalters (2011), p 35 47 Konecny, Silvia, Die Frauen des karolingischen Königshauses. Die politische Bedeutung der Ehe und der Stellung der Frau in der fränkischen Herrscherfamilie vom 7. Bis zum 10. Jahrhundert (Wien 1976), p 118ff 48 Ibidem, p 126 49 Fößel, Die Kaiserinnen des Mittelalters (2011), p 42 50 Ibidem, p 51 9  Hannah M. Buchinger – a1203584 BA-Seminar Prof. Irene Van Renswoude considering the claim for the imperial crown took place, since Otto I is the first German king in a long historical line to become emperor. Before Adelheid’s time it had been tradition to choose the Italian king, but thereafter it became tradition to crown the German king or a German ruler, no matter if he was also Italian king or not 51. Also Adelheid’s interventions in the charters serve as an example, since the following empresses all are primary intervenients until the 12th century52. It is necessary to mention that there already had been a queen of West Frankia, Charles the Simple’s first wife Frederun, before 917, who also was anointed 53. Nevertheless, counting the queens of the ninth and tenth century, Adelheid’s position as crowned and anointed empress alongside her husband still is at least very rare. As a ruler and wife to the king Adelheid accompanied Otto I to Italy and later to battles as we can see in the charters 54. These are an important source to get a closer view on the interventions and thus the impact Adelheid had on her husband’s political decisions. Her interventions in the charters increase with time. She already appears as intervenient in the beginning of her marriage to Otto I 55 and more in the mid 960ies 56. But after the coronation in 962 two aspects need to be mentioned. First of all Adelheid now often is called – in 18 charters – “consors regni” 57 as she already was in Lothar’s charters. And secondly her interventions increase further, as she receives people from the entire realm of the Ottonian empire 58. Between 962 and 972 Adelheid appears as intervenient in seventy-five charters 59. Additionally Adelheid and Otto I are named together in Papal bulls 60 Therefore the coronation can be seen as a turning point in Adelheid’s possibilities of political influence. She increasingly takes part in ruling as consors to her second husband Otto I 61. In some sources the focus later changes and lies on Adelheid, especially the Annales Quedlinburgenses seem to see Adelheid as very important. 62 This is probably also due to the fact that Adelheid and Otto I’s daughter Mathilda was abbess at the time. 51 Kaiser, Herrinnen der Welt (2011), p 21 52 Fößel, Die Kaiserinnen des Mittelalters (2011), p 46 53 Stafford, Queens, concubines and dowagers (1998), p 132 54 Hlawitschka, Kaiserin Adelheid und Kaiserin Theophanu, in: Schnith, Frauen des Mittelalters in Lebensbildern (1997), p 42 55 Ibidem, p 39 56 Ibidem, p 40f 57 Ibidem, p 42 58 Fößel, Die Kaiserinnen des Mittelalters (2011), p 45f 59 Parisse, Adélaïde de Bourgogne, p 18 60 Golinelli, Paolo, Le souvenir de la reine Adélaïde en Italie (Xe-XIIe siècle), in: Corbet/Goullet/Iogna-Prat, Actes du colloque international du Centre d’Études Médiévales, Adélaïde de Bourgogne (1999), p 97 61 Fößel, Die Kaiserinnen des Mittelalters (2011), p 45 62 Ibidem, p 52 10  Hannah M. Buchinger – a1203584 BA-Seminar Prof. Irene Van Renswoude Still Adelheid’s peak of power only is reached when she became a widow again. Although Otto II’s wife Theophanu now theoretically had the place of queen and empress, meaning that she had replaced Adelheid, Adelheid remained very influential. The much discussed conflict(s) between the two queens are partly explainable by this lack of clarity on who has more power and influence, at least in the first years after Otto I’s death. One aspect is that the title of imperatrix augusta remained with Adelheid even though Theophanu now was entitled to it and also used it 63. There are important political reasons for the conflicts, as only one woman ought to be queen. Only she was intended to be at court and hold the functions and powers this position brought 64. Even more, a conflict over Adelheid’s dowry lands 65 was going on. Adelheid wanted to use them in the same way as before in order to make donations, primarily to ecclesiastical institutions, monasteries, etc 66, which she used to ensure loyalty to her and thus her own power. Contrary to her Italian lands, Adelheid needed the permission of the king for her Ottonian lands 67, especially because Theophanu opposed 68. These conflicts became less important after the major crisis following Otto II’s sudden death. First Adelheid and Theophanu worked together, since they had to secure Otto III’s throne and young Otto himself from the adversary Henry. This was possible because of their collaboration and apparently since Adelheid played an important role in the negotiations of the peace treaty with Henry. She later is called mater regnorum 69 and appears in charters, acting together with Theophanu in the name of the minor Otto III 70. Their cooperation therefore must be regarded as a success. After resolving this crisis their common interest fades and therefore conflicts increase again. Thus the queens reign separately again, Theophanu in the north and Adelheid in Italy71. Once more we see that Adelheid mainly exerted her power and reign in Italy 72. As the conflict restarts again Adelheid retires altogether 73. But as a result of the early death of Theophanu in 991 Adelheid regains power as regent in on behalf of Otto III 74. At this point Adelheid reappears as a key figure and as very influential in Odilo’s text – as she was once 63 Weinfurter, Kaiserin Adelheid und das ottonische Kaisertum, in: Frühmittelalterliche Studien 33/1999, p 17 64 Stafford, Queens, concubines and dowagers (1998), p 111 65 Ibidem, p 111 66 Uhlirz, Die rechtliche Stellung der Kaiserinwitwe Adelheid im Deutschen und im Italischen Reich, in: Zeitschrift der Savigny-Stiftung für Rechtsgeschichte / Germanistische Abteilung 74 (1957), S 87ff 67 Ibidem, S 94 68 Hlawitschka, Kaiserin Adelheid und Kaiserin Theophanu, in: Schnith, Frauen des Mittelalters in Lebensbildern (1997), p 59f 69 Weinfurter, Kaiserin Adelheid und das ottonische Kaisertum, in: Frühmittelalterliche Studien 33/1999, p 17 70 Hlawitschka, Kaiserin Adelheid und Kaiserin Theophanu, in: Schnith, Frauen des Mittelalters in Lebensbildern (1997), p 59 71 Ibidem, p 60 72 Stafford, Queens, concubines and dowagers (1998), p 139 73 Hlawitschka, Kaiserin Adelheid und Kaiserin Theophanu, in: Schnith, Frauen des Mittelalters in Lebensbildern (1997), p 64 74 Ibidem, p 66 11  Hannah M. Buchinger – a1203584 BA-Seminar Prof. Irene Van Renswoude before for the rule and crowning of Otto I – now as the kingmaker of her grandson Otto III 75. Also a preserved letter written by Otto III in 996 to his grandmother Adelheid confirms her influence as it states that “according to your [Adelheid’s] wishes and desires, the divinity has conferred the rights of an empire on us [Otto III] with a happy outcome” 76. This letter is essential to understand how contemporaries saw Adelheid and how they reacted to her. In this case it is her grandson and the current emperor who assigns his success of being crowned emperor of the Roman Emperor, at least partly, to Adelheid. Therefore she must have been of some influence and must have helped Otto III on his way to become emperor. The latter also addresses Adelheid in his letters as “always imperial empress” 77, which shows her continuing powerful standing as empress and queen even after her grandson comes of age and is crowned. Also the way how Adelheid became empress in the first place shows some consequences for Adelheid’s perception at her time. In 960 a new ordo was made for the crowning and anointing of Adelheid, including prayers in reference to biblical women, especially to Esther 78, serving as role models for her and propagating virtues. This ordo is essential, as it manifests the theological and political concept, which legitimizes and also constitutes the status of the empress as a divinely ordained part of the earthly rule 79. Apparently this new ordo was created because of the upcoming coronation in which Adelheid took part and the political discussions resulting from her status as consors regni when she was the wife of king Lothar. After becoming empress Adelheid regains this title and now often appears in charters, intervening mostly for ecclesiastical beneficiaries 80. This is highly interesting, since Adelheid appears to have used her power for monasteries and other ecclesiastical matters and thus creates herself a space and possibility of influence separately to the domain of her husband. Moreover this already gives us a glimpse on how different and new Adelheid’s rule was compared to other queens and empresses. She therefore fulfils an important aspect of being a Christian ruler as she establishes herself as protector of the Church. In a letter from the brothers of Feuchtwang 81 written between 991 and 993 they 75 Odilo of Cluny, Epitaphium dominae Adelheidis imperatricis augustae, chapter 7 (Gilsdorf, p 134): “through the aid of his [Otto III] grandmother and the diligence of the magnates, he obtained the rule of the Roman empire” 76 Letters from and to Adelheid: https://epistolae.ccnmtl.columbia.edu/woman/19.html, letter from Otto III (996) 77 Ibidem 78 Fößel, Die Kaiserinnen des Mittelalters (2011), p 43f 79 Ibidem, p 44 80 Stafford, Queens, concubines and dowagers (1998), p 123f 81 Letters from and to Adelheid: https://epistolae.ccnmtl.columbia.edu/woman/19.html, letter from the brothers of Feuchtwang (993-996) 12  Hannah M. Buchinger – a1203584 BA-Seminar Prof. Irene Van Renswoude address the “piety” of Adelheid and ask to be “protected by the shadow of your rule from now on, we may be safe from the tumults of secular attacks” and in return they offer to pray for her reign to be stable and enduring. This letter is one of many seeking for Adelheid’s protection and illustrates not only her power but also her duty as imperial ruler to protect her subjects. Several letters to Adelheid are preserved and give us an image of Adelheid as an almsgiving Christian. First of all she has contact with many important ecclesiastical men, like abbots, bishops and archbishops, even with the pope himself. Especially the letters of Gerbert of Aurillac - an important ally of Adelheid, who later became pope Sylvester II 82 - are interesting, as these are not only addressed to a powerful ruler – as already mentioned, but furthermore to a pious lady, to whom he is bound in loyalty. However he still expresses criticism concerning demands apparently made in an earlier letter or conversation by Adelheid. Unfortunately we do not know what Adelheid specifically asked of Gerbert. Another letter is preserved, this one written by Pope John XIII in 972 83. It grants the protection of the Church to one of the monasteries Adelheid founded as she apparently had asked before in a letter. This letter is important for Adelheid’s depiction of a faithful Christian since she is advancing and supporting the Christian beliefs also by creating rooms for their ideas to be expressed and preserved. She does so by the foundations of monasteries and is praised for it by the pope, who grants what Adelheid asked. Also Odilo picks out this fact of establishing and supporting ecclesiastical institutions 84. More foundations occur at the end of Adelheid’s life 85, including one at Seltz. This monastery of Seltz seems to have been most important. It was founded by Adelheid in order to preserve her memory as it was destined to become her tomb and place of memory 86. Apart from foundations we also know that Adelheid made gifts to already existing monasteries 87. These donations and foundations are seen as part 82 He helped Adelheid and Theophanu in the crisis after Otto II’s sudden death, later became pope Sylvester II cf Fößel, Die Kaiserinnen des Mittelalters (2011), p 52 83 Letters from and to Adelheid: https://epistolae.ccnmtl.columbia.edu/woman/19.html, letters from Gerbert of Aurillac (983, 984, 995/996) 84 Odilo of Cluny, Epitaphium dominae Adelheidis imperatricis augustae, chapter 8 (Gilsdorf, p 135): “she founded […] monasteries at her own expense” 85 Hlawitschka, Kaiserin Adelheid und Kaiserin Theophanu, in: Schnith, Frauen des Mittelalters in Lebensbildern (1997), p 70 86 Bornert, René, Le souvenir d’Adélaïde à l’abbaye de Seltz et en Alsace, in: Corbet/Goullet/Iogna-Prat, Actes du colloque international du Centre d’Études Médiévales, Adélaïde de Bourgogne. Genèse et représentation d’une sainteté impériale (1999), p 126 87 Odilo of Cluny, Epitaphium dominae Adelheidis imperatricis augustae, chapters 16f (Gilsdorf, p 139) 13  Hannah M. Buchinger – a1203584 BA-Seminar Prof. Irene Van Renswoude of Adelheid’s religious duties and engagement 88. Adelheid therefore often intervenes as Otto I’s wife in the 960ies in charters to grant privileges to already existing monasteries 89. An interesting example on how much political importance Adelheid apparently had can be seen in two letters written by her daughter Emma to Adelheid in the 980ies. Emma demands of Adelheid to intervene against her enemies by mobilizing forces in the Ottonian Empire and she demands Adelheid to capture Hugh Capet. The latter was elected king of West Frankia in 987 after Emma’s son Louis had died a year earlier. Also Louis had acted against Emma by accusing her of having poisoned king Lothar, whose widow Emma was. Another enemy of Emma was king Lothar’s brother Charles, who had accused Emma of adultery some years earlier 90. Also Gerbert of Aurillac, archbishop of Reims and later pope Sylvester II, writes to Adelheid in order to seek protection against his enemies 91. These examples are remarkable, because they imply that Adelheid had the possibilities to help in both cases or at least Emma and Gerbert do believe that she could have intervened and succeeded. Both are themselves important political figures in their realm and still they rely on Adelheid. Adelheid’s power and importance must have been extremely stable and reliable to do as wished by the pleaders. 3. A new way of queenship Adelheid is first of all a ruler with possessions and rights on her own, as states Gilsdorf 92 in his text Queenship and Sanctity, but she also is a Christian ruler, whose sacredness is extremely important. This merge of the two main aspects of Adelheid’s life is argued in Gilsdorf’s introduction to Odilo’s Epitaphium. The foundations for Adelheid’s reign are to be found in her royal lineage and in God’s testing her with evil adversaries as Berengar or the “Greek Empress” Theophanu – who Odilo never mentions with her name – to see if Adelheid is worthy of ruling and being a saint. Therefore secular rulers become saints and examples for their heirs and heiresses. Lectures for them are written down in a Christian tradition of hagiographies, transformed for the meaning of the new queenship. The way Odilo 88 Cescutti, Hrotsvit und die Männer (1998), p 247 89 Golinelli, Le souvenir de la reine Adélaïde en Italie (Xe-XIIe siècle), p 96f 90 Letters from and to Adelheid: https://epistolae.ccnmtl.columbia.edu/woman/19.html, letter from Emma (980’s) 91 Letters from and to Adelheid: https://epistolae.ccnmtl.columbia.edu/woman/19.html, letter from Gerbert of Aurillac (995/996) 92 Gilsdorf, Sean, Queenship and Sanctity. The Lives of Mathilda and the Epitaph of Adelheid (2004) 14  Hannah M. Buchinger – a1203584 BA-Seminar Prof. Irene Van Renswoude uses this tradition and the image of Adelheid in his text and other sources make it clear that we are analysing a new type of a female ruler. Although Adelheid’s regnum (chapters 1-8) and religio (chapters 8-22) may be structurally separated in Odilo’s Epitaphium 93, they are connected, even if her religio is of higher importance. Her regnum starts with information on her royal lineage and her marriage to a king’s son, which is the foundation for her political power and to the pillars on which she later lays that power. The transition to Adelheid’s religio structurally begins only after becoming the widow of Otto I and securing her family’s imperial power 94. Here Cescutti describes that Adelheid’s special merit is to unify the ideal Christian ruler and the ideal Christian and noble Saint 95 which brings up the new wording of “royal sanctity” as used by Gilsdorf and exemplified by Mathilda and Adelheid. This explanation is based mainly on the fact that it was commonly believed that the ruler was invested by God. Authority of a king and even more of an emperor was seen as given by God in the 10th century with the main function to be protector of its Christian subjects and a guarantor of justice and peace as defined by ecclesiastical law 96. The title and function as emperor or empress itself hence has a fundamental religious meaning and carries the necessity of unifying clerical and secular aspects. Furthermore imperial power is seen as the highest earthly honour 97. Adelheid is proved worthy of this power by overcoming the obstacles laid in her path. Additionally as she is represented as a saint – an honour even higher as it is no longer an earthly one – she can be empress until a more unearthly duty awaits her. In this sense Adelheid is not only an image of royal but of imperial sanctity, especially since she was an empress sent by God, as points out Odilo: “the Lord […] bestowed upon the Roman republic a venerable honor in female form” 98 and she was “ruling over worldly affairs with the help of the Lord” 99. These quotes clearly indicate that the necessary help of God as well as Adelheid being invested by God as asked by tradition is achieved and also used as argument for her saintliness as well as her rulership. 93 Cescutti, Hrotsvit und die Männer (1998), p 239f 94 Ibidem, p 246, 282 95 Cescutti, Hrotsvit und die Männer (1998), p 251 96 Weinfurter, Kaiserin Adelheid und das ottonische Kaisertum, in: Frühmittelalterliche Studien 33/1999, p 11 97 Sonnleitner, Käthe, Selbstbewusstsein und Selbstverständnis der ottonischen Frauen im Spiegel der Historiographie des 10. Jahrhunderts, in: Härtel, Reinhard (Hg.), Geschichte und ihre Quellen. Festschrift für Friedrich Hausmann zum 70. Geburtstag (Graz 1987), pp 116 98 Odilo of Cluny, Epitaphium dominae Adelheidis imperatricis augustae, introduction (Gilsdorf, p 128f) 99 Ibidem, chapter 4 (Gilsdorf, p 132) 15  Hannah M. Buchinger – a1203584 BA-Seminar Prof. Irene Van Renswoude Another novelty is Adelheid’s self-conception as a strong ruler, resulting from a Saxon tradition in which women were regarded as equal parts of the family carrying the responsibility for the Christian empire together with their husbands as we can see it in their historiography 100. Indeed Adelheid’s depiction in Hrotsvit starts with her position as being defined by men, first her father and then her husband Lothar. But nevertheless she still is different to all the other female characters. Most interesting is the fact that Hrotsvit does not once mention Adelheid being a mother, even though she already was at that time, but rather constructs her image with other elements 101. Instead she is the only person in the entire text who is described to have “shining political intellect” 102 and who is not primarily described as female, but more as a ruler and a Christian. In addition she is the only woman who plays a part in the manly dominated world of war 103, while her activity is bound to her religious worthiness earned in the conflict and escape from Berengar. Moreover her biography shows that she is not only to be defined by her husbands or sons. She already is an important political figure during the lifetime of her husband 104 and even after Otto I’s death Adelheid does not return to her lands as did Mathilde. Instead she remained at court until 978 105 and later came back as guardian for her grandson Otto III. II. Adelheid’s memoria and later reception of contemporary images Analysing charters, letters and some texts of contemporary writers permit us to see Adelheid as a strong female ruler, who perceives herself as such and because of that changes several traditions and her status. However this image is debated in various points and often is overlaid by a memory creating another figure. Although this memory is mostly due to the reception of contemporary sources. 100 Sonnleitner, Selbstbewusstsein und Selbstverständnis der ottonischen Frauen im Spiegel der Historiographie des 10. Jahrhunderts, in: Härtel (Hg.), Geschichte und ihre Quellen (1987), pp 119 101 Cescutti, Hrotsvit und die Männer (1998), p 272f 102 Ibidem, p 212; Hrotsvit of Gandersheim, Gesta Ottonis, v 478f: „sie strahlte durch solche gewaltige Kräfte des Geistes,/ dass sie mit Würde das Reich, das verwaiste, vermochte zu regieren“ 103 Ibidem, p 212, 244 104 Stafford, Queens, concubines and dowagers (1998), p 116: “unlike many queens, she was also important during the lifetime of her husband, and even under son and grandson exercised considerable power in her own right” 105 Fößel, Die Kaiserinnen des Mittelalters (2011), p 48 16  Hannah M. Buchinger – a1203584 BA-Seminar Prof. Irene Van Renswoude 1. Discussions on Adelheid’s influence As an important figure even in the life of Otto I, written by Hrotsvit, Cescutti argues 106 that Adelheid not only was the wife of a king, but an active part of the rule and a key figure to the accession to the imperial throne. Adelheid’s importance for and influence on the Ottonian rule is also emphasised by Stefan Weinfurter in his essay Kaiserin Adelheid und das ottonische Kaisertum 107, especially regarding her significance for Otto I´s accession to the imperial throne. There have been several explanations on why it was possible for Adelheid to become this important. Stafford argues that the context and surroundings were essential to the conception of Adelheid’s position as a queen 108. Adelheid is part of the Langobardian and Saxonian understanding of female rule, which both accord a quite open position. Weinfurter shows that Adelheid’s position mainly resulted from her Italian powers, which made it possible for her to become another category of Saxon queen 109. But what the queens made of their position was most important 110. This is supported by the fact that her predecessor Mathilde is in no aspect mentioned as having an active role in imperial politics 111. The image given by Hrotsvit in her Gesta Ottonis and Odilo of Cluny’s Epitaphium is clear. It is Adelheid’s merit that Otto I became emperor. All starts with her Burgundian descent, which is mentioned by both Odilo of Cluny and Hrotsvit of Gandersheim, in the beginning of their description of Adelheid. Hrotsvit first mentions her as Lothar’s widow and then as daughter of Rudolf I of Burgundy112 while Odilo first introduces her as a descendant of “a royal and religious lineage” 113. About this point no discussions have risen until now. But there are discussions on the following biggest obstacle shown in the sources, the crisis following king Lothar of Italy’s death. Even though Adelheid is the lawful queen and heir to 106 Cescutti, Hrotsvit und die Männer (1998), p 209-213, 233-252 107 Weinfurter, Stefan, Kaiserin Adelheid und das ottonische Kaisertum, in: Frühmittelalterliche Studien 33/1999 108 Stafford, Queens, concubines and dowagers (1998), p 141: “A combination of Italian legal and personal traditions, French dynastic insecurity, Ottonian family and Church politics, and a movement of Church reform throughout Europe made the 900s a century of women.” 109 Weinfurter, Kaiserin Adelheid und das ottonische Kaisertum, in: Frühmittelalterliche Studien 33/1999, p 9f 110 Stafford, Queens, concubines and dowagers (1998), p 197: “in the juridical sense of formal powers and duties, there was rarely any question of queenship in the Middle Ages. The position of queen was whatever these women could make of it, determined by the frameworks of roles contemporary practice and theory allowed them. In the early Middle Ages that framework was wide and many great women were able to use it to the full.” 111 Weinfurter, Kaiserin Adelheid und das ottonische Kaisertum, in: Frühmittelalterliche Studien 33/1999, p 3 112 Hrotsvit of Gandersheim, Gesta Ottonis, v 471-474 113 Odilo of Cluny, Epitaphium dominae Adelheidis imperatricis augustae, chapter 1 (Gilsdorf, p 129) 17  Hannah M. Buchinger – a1203584 BA-Seminar Prof. Irene Van Renswoude the throne according to Hrotsvit 114 she is opposed by Berengar of Ivrea, who imprisons her. It is at this point of the storyline of Hrotsvit that Adelheid is first described as Christian and as protected by God. Her escape is made possible by Saint Peter 115 and only as faithful protégée of God her escape is successful. Adelheid is thus helped on several occasions, especially when she needs to hide after having escaped 116. Contrary to this image her enemy Berengar is depicted as treasonous and greedy, only seeking for power and ignoring all other matters, mainly Adelheid’s rights and innocence 117. By her escape made possible by God and the later marriage to Otto I Hrotsvit constructs Adelheid’s worthiness with her mounting out of the descent in which Adelheid had been forced by Berengar. Adelheid now is mistress destined to the heights of the Empire’s throne 118. Hrotsvit’s dramatic use of superlatives from “regina”119 to “consors dignissima regni” 120, which brings Adelheid to the same level as Otto I, also underlines this change. The use of destiny in this context clearly underlines the religious aspect and requirement for Adelheid to become queen. Goullet sees it as a form of the eternal battle between good and bad – between God and evil 121. On the other hand Odilo constructs this same historical passage as kind of a martyrdom of Adelheid, also used as an argument to show how worthy Adelheid was to be queen and empress. Odilo’s clerical interpretation of Berengar and thus Adelheid’s imprisonment also uses similar images as does Hrotsvit’s. But Odilo emphasizes the connection and comparison to martyrs. As Sonnleitner points out, Adelheid has to prove herself to the just cause like a martyr 122. Similar to Hrotsvit’s account it is Berengar as the evil opponent, who unlawfully imprisons the rightful queen Adelheid. Nevertheless Odilo of Cluny’s construction of this event as obstacle and possibility to prove how worthy Adelheid is of her powers, is clearly pronounced as such by him: “The Lord wished her to be weakened by so many blows so that she would not become, in the words of the Apostle Paul, one who lives as a widow but dies for her pleasures. […] he wished her to be tested so completely that she 114 Hrotsvit of Gandersheim, Gesta Ottonis, v 469-470: “lassend Italiens Reich als wohl verdientes Besitztum / der er in Liebe sich hatte vermählt, der erhabenen Königin” 115 Ibidem, v 513f 116 Ibidem, v 543, 546f, 580 117 Ibidem, v 492: „rechtlos übend Gewalt an Adelheid“, v 496: „mit gieriger Hand“, v 500: „zu rauben“, v 508: „ganz unschuldige Herrin gefangen“ 118 Ibidem, v 656: “Herrin, bestimmt für die Höhe des Reichsthrons“ 119 Ibidem, v 492 120 Ibidem, v 655 121 Goullet, Monique, De Hrotsvita de Gandersheim à Odilon de Cluny. Images d’Adélaïde autour de l’an mil, in: Corbet/Goullet/Iogna-Prat, Actes du colloque international du Centre d’Études Médiévales, Adélaïde de Bourgogne. Genèse et représentation d’une sainteté impériale (1999), p 25 122 Sonnleitner, Selbstbewusstsein und Selbstverständnis der ottonischen Frauen im Spiegel der Historiographie des 10. Jahrhunderts, in: Härtel (Hg.), Geschichte und ihre Quellen (1987), pp 116 18  Hannah M. Buchinger – a1203584 BA-Seminar Prof. Irene Van Renswoude might not be unworthy” 123. The following story of Adelheid’s escape shows how she overcame this obstacle. Since she was led out of prison by God and after praying for help she encounters a fisherman, who was sent by God, we can see how Odilo constructs Adelheid’s suffering and her escape of it made possible by divine help 124. Although Odilo’s narration is much shorter than Hrotsvit’s, it has the same function in the told story. Again it is Adelheid’s victory over Berengar and the by God created test, which prove her worthiness and lay the path to the accession to the imperial throne 125 for herself and her husband Otto I. However, her conflicts with Berengar and the claim of the Italian throne may also have resulted from the missing acceptance of Adelheid by the people as argues Karpf126. Nevertheless Adelheid was “useful to any pretender to the Italian throne” 127. Even if it is not sure if she contacted Otto I – as claimed by Kaiser 128 - or if Otto I seized the opportunity by himself, ultimately he led a war against Berengar and married Adelheid. The causes and arguments why Otto I did so vary. According to the text of Hrotsvit 129 it was an act of love and revenge for the harm done to Adelheid 130. Nonetheless, historians point out that the main objective of Otto I was to subdue his vassal Berengar, whom he had helped before, and consequently get the power of the Italian realm 131. Hlawitschka explains that Otto I appears to have had two objectives for his Italian war: on the one hand showing Berengar his place as his vassal and on the other hand gaining power through his rescuing of Adelheid, which also gave Otto I the needed legitimation for the Italian rule 132. All in all his marriage to Adelheid is seen as a political possibility to gain yet another right and legitimization for the Italian throne. Moreover, Fößel 133 points out that there are clear indications in all sources (including the Annales Quedlinburgenses and the Older Life of Mathilda) that Otto I won Italy by the marriage to Adelheid as it was her dowry. 123 Odilo of Cluny, Epitaphium dominae Adelheidis imperatricis augustae, chapter 1 (Gilsdorf, p 130) 124 Ibidem, chapter 2 (Gilsdorf, p 130f) 125 Ibidem, chapter 2 (Gilsdorf, p 130): “Liberated by divine providence, she was afterwards raised by God’s command to the imperial heights” 126 Karpf, Ernst, Herrscherlegitimation und Reichsbegriff in der Ottonischen Geschichtsschreibung des 10. Jahrhunderts (Mainz 1985), p 126 127 Stafford, Queens, concubines and dowagers (1998), p 78 128 Kaiser, Herrinnen der Welt (2011), p 19 129 Hrotsvit of Gandersheim, Gesta Ottonis, v 588-608: „der König […] sann […] wie zum Weibe er sich könnte die Königin [Adelheid] dorten vermählen“ (v 598ff), „deshalb hatt‘ er sich nun den passenden Anlass ersehen, / um das italische Reich zu bezwingen mit einem Machtwort.“ (v 606f) 130 Schütze-Pflugk, Marianne, Herrscher- und Märtyrerauffassung bei Hrotsvit von Gandersheim, in: Frankfurter Historische Abhandlungen Bd 1 (Wiesbaden 1972), p 91, 96 131 Karpf, Herrscherlegitimation und Reichsbegriff in der Ottonischen Geschichtsschreibung des 10. Jahrhunderts (1985), p 127 132 Hlawitschka, Kaiserin Adelheid und Kaiserin Theophanu, in: Schnith, Frauen des Mittelalters in Lebensbildern (1997), p 37 133 Fößel, Die Kaiserinnen des Mittelalters (2011), p 39f 19  Hannah M. Buchinger – a1203584 BA-Seminar Prof. Irene Van Renswoude Also Adelheid’s influence to the final gain of the imperial power is questioned, as the position of the papacy itself was in danger at that time. Leyser 134 and Hlawitschka 135 show that the papacy needed help against Berengar, so the second Italian campaign of Otto I started with a call for help sent out by the papacy and not by Adelheid or her allies, but Otto’s aim was to finally become emperor of the Roman Empire. This target probably was supported and even pushed by Adelheid, who had been brought up in the Italian kingdom moulded by imperial traditions 136. Also the circumstances of Otto I’s attempt to be crowned emperor, which had been initiated before Adelheid’s and Otto I’s marriage, support this point of view. The first attempt had been denied by pope Agapet II shortly after the union of Adelheid and Otto I137. All the same it cannot be denied, that even though the next Pope was in need of help, other circumstances also were important for the coronation to take place. Especially the status of the imperial couple as rulers of Italy as already mentioned above was an important factor. Therefore Adelheid was a key figure. 2. Image of Adelheid as female ruler Adelheid is one of many queens, but she is one who also uses her power. All the already mentioned contemporary sources give a picture of a very powerful and noble queen. Odilo of Cluny even makes it clear from the beginning and his letter to abbot Andreas of San Salvatore “that eminent deeds […of Adelheid] might resound in the ears of empresses and queens” 138. This is a very clear aim presented by Odilo to educate future queens by showing an outstanding example. This is also retold in secondary literature. Cescutti 139 points out, that Odilo even shows Adelheid as a role model in his structure, as all aspects of her life are treated as exemplary. Her honestas und cura domestica show her as model, while mentis and corpores nobilitas are already acclaimed in the first passage. Odilo thus presents Adelheid’s virtues, she is “just, strong, prudent, and extremely modest” 140 as well as “steadfast in hope 134 Leyser, Karl, Communications and power in medieval Europe. The Carolingian and Ottonian Centuries (London 1994), p 147 135 Hlawitschka, Kaiserin Adelheid und Kaiserin Theophanu, in: Schnith, Frauen des Mittelalters in Lebensbildern (1997), p 41 136 Fößel, Die Kaiserinnen des Mittelalters (2011), p 43 137 Kaiser, Herrinnen der Welt (2011), p 21 138 Odilo of Cluny, Epitaphium dominae Adelheidis imperatricis augustae, letter to abbot Andreas (Gilsdorf, p 128) 139 Cescutti, Hrotsvit und die Männer (1998), p 235 140 Odilo of Cluny, Epitaphium dominae Adelheidis imperatricis augustae, chapter 4 (Gilsdorf, p 132) 20  Hannah M. Buchinger – a1203584 BA-Seminar Prof. Irene Van Renswoude and faith” 141. These virtues are “assumed to be male attributes” 142. As these attributes are more usually given to men, but now are used to describe Adelheid she apparently does not lack anything in comparison to mighty male rulers, while still being a wife, widow and mother 143. As such Odilo represents her as role model of a ruler 144. Also Hrotsvit attributes virtues to Adelheid that she does not even give to her main character Otto I, since Adelheid’s most important virtue is her enormous power of spirit 145. Hrotsvit’s Adelheid comes closer to what we might interpret as a hero and is more adventurous than Odilo’s Adelheid. Goullet shortly compares the images given by Hrotsvit of Gandersheim and Odilo of Cluny in three episodes of Adelheid’s life (as queen of Italy, her imprisonment, her rescue). According to her analysis Odilo draws the picture of a saint, while Hrotsvit focuses on the political aspects of Adelheid’s life 146. This partly is due to the theme of the texts themselves. Hrotsvit writes a life of Otto I, which means that Adelheid is not the main character, even though she is one of the most important actors in the narrative 147. At the same time Odilo’s Epitaphium clearly focusses on Adelheid’s life. In addition to this Hrotsvit sees Adelheid mostly as a political woman, while Odilo depicts her primarily as a Christian 148. The difference in reactions to Lothar’s death as described by the two authors makes this even more evident: Hrotsvit immediately tells us about Adelheid’s legacy, while Odilo shows her as destitute – but both see her as victim of Berengar 149. Thus Odilo only uses three out of 51 chapters to describe Adelheid’s suffering as prisoner of Berengar, making it less important than in Hrotsvit’s account. Stafford analyses that Odilo of Cluny “preferred to draw a religious rather than a political picture of Adelaide” 150, which seems to add to his emphasising on religious matters as to depict Adelheid as a model for later queens. Nevertheless both authors depict Adelheid as a mighty and powerful ruler. According to Odilo of Cluny it was Adelheid together with her son, who ruled over the Roman Empire 151 141 Odilo of Cluny, Epitaphium dominae Adelheidis imperatricis augustae, chapter 4 (Gilsdorf, p 132) 142 Stafford, Queens, concubines and dowagers (1998), p 9 143 Ibidem, p 28 144 Kaiser, Herrinnen der Welt (2011), p 47 145 Hrotsvit of Gandersheim, Gesta Ottonis, v 478 146 Goullet, De Hrotsvita de Gandersheim à Odilon de Cluny, in: Corbet/Goullet/Iogna-Prat, Actes du colloque international du Centre d’Études Médiévales, Adélaïde de Bourgogne. (1999), p 47 147 Ibidem, p 45 148 Ibidem, p 47 149 Ibidem, p 48 150 Stafford, Queens, concubines and dowagers (1998), p 9 151 Odilo of Cluny, Epitaphium dominae Adelheidis imperatricis augustae, chapter 5 (Gilsdorf, p 132): “After the most august Otto went the way of all flesh, the empress together with her son long and auspiciously oversaw the 21  Hannah M. Buchinger – a1203584 BA-Seminar Prof. Irene Van Renswoude and “established ties of peace and honor” 152. She also remained at court and in power as a regent for two years even after her grandson Otto III reached majority 153. As already analysed in the first part, Adelheid’s power is manifested in many ways. Still her memory as ruler is only preserved by later traditions, as the coronation of future empresses. Only nowadays Adelheid’s memory resurfaces even more by the interest in medieval rulers and especially female rulers, what can be seen in numerous publications to that topic in the last years and a documentary by MDR 154. This documentary shows Adelheid as outstanding ruler. She is essential for her husband’s success in many ways and especially to become emperor of the Roman Empire as well as she herself is the first empress after 400 years. Adelheid is shown as self-confident and determined, knowing and overcoming several obstacles and later arranges to be memorized as such by instructing Odilo of Cluny to write her biography. Even though much of the stated information is not completely confirmed nor falsified, the image shown is that of a mighty female ruler. 3. Memory of Adelheid as a faithful Christian and Saint The image of the ruler is for a long time overlapped by that of the Christian Saint, which Odilo mainly gives in his Epitaphium. The text’s main goal is to preserve Adelheid’s memory 155. This already becomes clear by his choice of genre as the epitaph is primarily a way to commemorate someone, who recently deceased 156. Gilsdorf shows that the genre’s function was consolatory, edificatory and commemorative, making the death person’s virtues cause for their salvation 157. Even though also the Epitaphium reception was not a wide one and needed rediscovery158, Odilo’s plan to preserve Adelheid’s memory by making her an exemplary saint later fulfils. As Odilo of Cluny’s main focus lies on the religious aspects of Adelheid’s life, we also need to analyse what influence these religious matters had and still have on the memory of Adelheid of Burgundy. rule of the Roman empire”; chapter 7 (Gilsdorf, p 134): “all the while she dutifully managed the Roman empire” (p 134) 152 Ibidem, chapter 16 (Gilsdorf, p 139) 153 Weinfurter, Kaiserin Adelheid und das ottonische Kaisertum, in: Frühmittelalterliche Studien 33/1999, p 17 154 Kaiserin Adelheid. Die mächtigste Frau der Ottonen (2010) 155 Odilo of Cluny, Epitaphium dominae Adelheidis imperatricis augustae, introduction (Gilsdorf, p 129) 156 Gilsdorf, Queenship and Sanctity(2004), p 33 157 Ibidem, p 33 158 Paulhart, Die Lebensbeschreibung der Kaiserin Adelheid von Abt Odilo von Cluny, in: Mitteillungen des Instituts für Österreichische Geschichtsforschung, Ergänzungsband 20/2 (1962), p 13f 22  Hannah M. Buchinger – a1203584 BA-Seminar Prof. Irene Van Renswoude The images of Adelheid Odilo of Cluny creates in his structured text 159 are based on biblical references, Jerome’s works on female saints and other known authors (Christian and Roman) 160. On one hand references to Cicero and Jerome show Odilo´s knowledge as a Christian author following traditions; on the other hand it elevates Adelheid as it puts her in a line of accounts and Christian women described by one of the fathers of the Church 161. These references are a possibility of identification and legitimization for an account on a female ruler and first of all a woman. Therefore the structure of the text is taken of Sueton or Sulpicius Severus 162 and the chosen genre of an epitaph itself is a clear reference to Jerome’s Epitaphium sancte Paule 163. In the text several references to the New Testament 164 can be analysed and even direct citations show Odilo’s construction of Adelheid’s image in reference to important biblical female figures. He compares Adelheid’s life to that of Leah/Martha and Rachel/Mary165. The first part of Adelheid’s life thus is that of Leah and Martha, who are “active but housewifely” 166, while the second part of Adelheid’s life comes closer to that of Rachel and Mary, who are “quiet and contemplative” 167. Although Odilo of Cluny separates these two aspects of Adelheid’s life his Epitaphium is focussing on Adelheid’s faith and doings as a Christian. In analogy to the structure and references used by Odilo also the account itself creates an image of Adelheid as a faithful Christian. She is described as pious woman, who “often offered thanks to God” 168 and in her later years she even “gave her belongings and herself to the Creator” 169. Although this cannot be meant as nun in a monastery, since she still travels around, but more in a spiritual way and in reference to her doings. Even her physical description shows her religious being and faith 170. As good Christian Adelheid also gives 159 Fößel, Die Kaiserinnen des Mittelalters (2011), p 50 160 Paulhart, Die Lebensbeschreibung der Kaiserin Adelheid von Abt Odilo von Cluny, in: Mitteillungen des Instituts für Österreichische Geschichtsforschung, Ergänzungsband 20/2 (1962), preface 161 Cescutti, Hrotsvit und die Männer (1998), p 237 162 Paulhart, Die Lebensbeschreibung der Kaiserin Adelheid von Abt Odilo von Cluny, in: Mitteillungen des Instituts für Österreichische Geschichtsforschung, Ergänzungsband 20/2 (1962), p 12 163 Ibidem, p 8 164 Cescutti, Hrotsvit und die Männer (1998), p 242, 245: especially the dialog with the fisherman as in Matthäus 14, 15-17 and in chapter 8 citations of Paulus 165 Odilo of Cluny, Epitaphium dominae Adelheidis imperatricis augustae, chapter 19 (Gilsdorf, p 140): “Now that she had completed the praiseworthy activity of Leah and Martha, she chose to seek after the desirable leisure of Rachel and Mary.” 166 Stafford, Queens, concubines and dowagers (1998), p 25 167 Ibidem, p 25 168 Odilo of Cluny, Epitaphium dominae Adelheidis imperatricis augustae, chapter 1 (Gilsdorf, p 130) 169 Ibidem, chapter 11 (Gilsdorf, p 136) 170 Odilo of Cluny, Epitaphium dominae Adelheidis imperatricis augustae, chapter 14 (Gilsdorf, p 138) 23  Hannah M. Buchinger – a1203584 BA-Seminar Prof. Irene Van Renswoude alms to the poor171 and is dedicated to reading and prayers 172. Even though there is much less reference to Adelheid’s Christian beliefs, also Hrotsvit speaks of her as a devout Christian173. Another important aspect of Adelheid’s faithfulness as depicted by Odilo is its gradual ascension and even rise out of the secular world she is born in. This rise is shown as pushed by Adelheid herself in order to attain some kind of an ideal, which she finally represents in Odilo’s Epitaphium. She therefore “raised herself up above herself […] so that by casting aside the mad whirl of worldly concerns she might freely be able to devote herself to divine contemplation” 174. Once she reached this ideal, Adelheid no longer only is devout to God, but moreover also rose in status, as she works wonders, alone or helped by God. The wonder thus is described by Odilo when Adelheid gives alms to the poor, knowing that there were not enough coins for everybody. But in the end there are, because she is helped by God 175. We can see a climax in Odilo’s descriptions to her religious doings and representation as an ideal noble and Christian saint 176. Also in later memory in monasteries, such as Quedlinburg, Adelheid is remembered “for the vigour of her almsgiving, hitching up her long skirts like a peasant women to more easily to minister the poor, distributing alms with both hands until she collapsed with fatigue” 177. This self-sacrificing image suits Christian thinking and adds to the image as given by Odilo. Donations and foundations of monasteries seemingly have been an important aspect of Adelheid’s life. And it is there where she is remembered most. The Church of the Middle- Ages is the place of memory, especially for the highest ranked nobles, in order to create some family consciousness 178 and thus also legitimization. Althoff 179 also explains how convents served as place for tradition and rulership. The monasteries are protectors of knowledge about the history of the gens. For Ottonians the monasteries fulfilling this purpose where Quedlinburg and Gandersheim and therefore they were royal and later imperial institutions180 as well as ecclesiastical ones. Knowing this we may even better understand Hrotsvit of Gandersheim’s Gesta Ottonis, as she was nun of one of the most important monasteries for 171 Odilo of Cluny, Epitaphium dominae Adelheidis imperatricis augustae, chapter 20 (Gilsdorf, p 141) 172 Ibidem, chapter 19 (Gilsdorf, p 140) 173 Hrotsvit of Gandersheim, Gesta Ottonis, v 546 174 Odilo of Cluny, Epitaphium dominae Adelheidis imperatricis augustae, chapter 19 (Gilsdorf, p 140) 175 Ibidem, chapter 13 (Gilsdorf, p 137) 176 Cescutti, Hrotsvit und die Männer (1998), p 248f 177 Stafford, Queens, concubines and dowagers (1998), p 8 178 Sonnleitner, Selbstbewusstsein und Selbstverständnis der ottonischen Frauen im Spiegel der Historiographie des 10. Jahrhunderts, in: Härtel (Hg.), Geschichte und ihre Quellen (1987), pp 112 179 Althoff, Gandersheim und Quedlinburg. Ottonische Frauenklöster als Herrschafts- und Überlieferungs- zentren, in: Frühmittelalterliche Studien 25/1991, pp 123, 125 180 Ibidem, pp 144 24  Hannah M. Buchinger – a1203584 BA-Seminar Prof. Irene Van Renswoude the Ottonian tradition. All the same Hrotsvit’s work was mostly forgotten and only rediscovered in nationalist historiographical research in the 19th century 181. Another monastery important to speak of regarding Adelheid’s memory is the one she founded herself explicitly for her tomb 182 and memoria expressed by the prayers of the monks 183. It was the cloister of Seltz. Why she chose this location is not clear. It seems to have been a very “eccentric” choice, as Stafford 184 puts it, since it neither was an Ottonian dynastic house nor had she been abbess there. In long term Adelheid’s objective for Seltz to preserve her memory could not be upheld, as Seltz was completely destroyed in a flood in 1307 and her tomb and maybe other accounts on her life lost forever 185. In cultural memory Adelheid of Burgundy is often remembered by statues and windows in Churches and some paintings. Adelheid’s memoria as Christian is cemented by her canonization. This canonization is in large parts due to Odilo of Cluny’s depiction of her as a Christian ruler and the later added accounts of wonders, which happened at her tomb 186. These are the main sources used for the justification of her canonization. Adelheid was canonized in 1097, which means not even a hundred years after her death. At that time Pope Urban II granted this new step after a long and complicated process 187. Because the pope himself was a Cluniac 188 he certainly knew Odilo’s Epitaphium and therefore there can be no doubt over the importance of this text. Especially as Adelheid was the first medieval empress to be canonized 189. This explains why she was remembered more as a Christian saint than as a mighty ruler for a very long time. 181 Homeyer, Helene, Werke. Roswitha von Gandersheim (1936), p 31ff 182 Weinfurter, Kaiserin Adelheid und das ottonische Kaisertum, in: Frühmittelalterliche Studien 33/1999, p 18 183 Kaiser, Herrinnen der Welt (2011), p 44 184 Stafford, Queens, concubines and dowagers (1998), p 190 185 Hlawitschka, Kaiserin Adelheid und Kaiserin Theophanu, in: Schnith, Frauen des Mittelalters in Lebensbildern (1997), p 69 186 Kaiser, Herrinnen der Welt (2011), p 14, 48 187 Hlawitschka, Kaiserin Adelheid und Kaiserin Theophanu, in: Schnith, Frauen des Mittelalters in Lebensbildern (1997), p 69 188 Gilsdorf, Queenship and Sanctity (2004), p 23; Fößel, Die Kaiserinnen des Mittelalters (2011), p 54 189 Kaiser, Herrinnen der Welt (2011), p 48 25  Hannah M. Buchinger – a1203584 BA-Seminar Prof. Irene Van Renswoude Conclusion As we have seen Adelheid’s life must have been quite outstanding and certainly of some consequence. She was a queen and an empress, whose foundations were laid by her descent and upbringing in the Italian kingdom and its legal framework allowing queens to be part of the political affairs. On this mount the pillars of her rule, which she strengthened several times in her life. One of these are her familial connections, then her possessions mostly granted by her husbands and securing her revenues as well as her political and ecclesiastical connections fed by her donations. These made it possible for Adelheid to have a huge, even if now a bit disputed, impact. Throughout all of this her characterization as a saint is always present and in big parts connected. Legitimization of her rule as done by Odilo of Cluny is mostly built on her saintliness and overcoming divine trials in order to prove her worthiness. So does Hrotsvit of Gandersheim, even though her focus lies more on Adelheid’s political impact. At the same time a main objective in Hrotsvit’s and Odilo’s texts is to make her part of the memoria. Since Odilo’s Epitaphium served as main source not only for Adelheid’s canonization but until today for the analysis of her life and doings, his image of Adelheid still is very present in her cultural memory. This may also be due to the loss of other written sources or locations of memory, such as the monastery of Seltz. Nevertheless Adelheid is remembered first of all in ecclesiastical places by statues and images and as the saint she later became and is according to Odilo. However Adelheid is also remembered as an example of a mighty female ruler. Stafford’s statement that “Adelaide personifies queenly power” 190 sums up the historical importance we need to give to Adelheid. In fact we should not divide her in two different images, but need to combine her saintliness and her rulership. It is also important to see the contemporary texts as constructions of her memory as well as the shown figure of Adelheid in them as based upon a real person. Therefore we can indeed see her as prototype for a female Christian ruler in the Middle-Ages, even though she is not only standing out because of representing a new concept of queenship in Ottonian reign, but also because after her death it took a long time until another queen or empress took a place as strong and important in politics as she did in 10th century Europe. 190 Stafford, Queens, concubines and dowagers (1998), p 116 26  Hannah M. Buchinger – a1203584 BA-Seminar Prof. Irene Van Renswoude Sources Primary sources ODILO OF CLUNY, Epitaphium dominae Adelheidis imperatricis augustae, in: Gilsdorf, Sean, Queenship and Sanctity. The Lives of Mathilda and the Epitaph of Adelheid (2004), pp 128-143 HROTSVIT OF GANDERSHEIM, Gesta Ottonis, in: Pfund, Der Hrotswitha Gedicht über Gandersheim Gründung und die Taten Kaiser Otto I (Leipzig 1891) Letters from and to Adelheid: https://epistolae.ccnmtl.columbia.edu/woman/19.html Secondary sources ALTHOFF, Gerd, Gandersheim und Quedlinburg. Ottonische Frauenklöster als Herrschafts- und Überlieferungszentren, in: Frühmittelalterliche Studien 25/1991, p 123-144 BORNERT, René, Le souvenir d’Adélaïde à l’abbaye de Seltz et en Alsace, in: Corbet/Goullet/Iogna-Prat, Actes du colloque international du Centre d’Études Médiévales, Adélaïde de Bourgogne. Genèse et représentation d’une sainteté impériale (1999), pp 121- 146 CESCUTTI, Eva, Hrotsvit und die Männer. Konstruktionen von „Männlichkeit“ und „Weiblichkeit“ in der lateinischen Literatur im Umfeld der Ottonen (Munich 1998), p 209- 213, 233-285 FÖßEL, Amalie, Die Kaiserinnen des Mittelalters (Regensburg 2011) GILSDORF, Sean, Queenship and Sanctity. The Lives of Mathilda and the Epitaph of Adelheid (2004) GOLINELLI, Paolo, De Liutprand de Crémone à Domizon de Canossa. Le souvenir de la reine Adélaïde en Italie (Xe-XIIe siècle) in: Corbet/Goullet/Iogna-Prat, Actes du colloque international du Centre d’Études Médiévales, Adélaïde de Bourgogne. Genèse et représentation d’une sainteté impériale (1999), pp 95-108 GOULLET, Monique, De Hrotsvita de Gandersheim à Odilon de Cluny: images d‘Adélaïde autour de l’an mil, in: Corbet/Goullet/Iogna-Prat, Actes du colloque international du Centre d’Études Médiévales, Adélaïde de Bourgogne. Genèse et représentation d’une sainteté impériale (1999), p 43-54 HLAWITSCHKA, Eduard, Kaiserin Adelheid und Kaiserin Theophanu, in: Schnith, Karl Rudolf, Frauen des Mittelalters in Lebensbildern (Graz 1997), pp 27-71 HOMEYER, Helene, Werke. Roswitha von Gandersheim (Paderborn 1936) 27  Hannah M. Buchinger – a1203584 BA-Seminar Prof. Irene Van Renswoude KAISER, Jürgen, Herrinnen der Welt. Kaiserinnen des Hochmittelalters (Regensburg 2011), pp 13-49 KARPF, Ernst, Herrscherlegitimation und Reichsbegriff in der Ottonischen Geschichtsschreibung des 10. Jahrhunderts (Mainz 1985), pp 114-137 KONECNY, Silvia, Die Frauen des karolingischen Königshauses. Die politische Bedeutung der Ehe und der Stellung der Frau in der fränkischen Herrscherfamilie vom 7. Bis zum 10. Jahrhundert (Wien 1976) LEYSER, Karl, Communications and power in medieval Europe. The Carolingian and Ottonian Centuries (London 1994), p 143-164 PARISSE, Michel, Adélaïde de Bourgogne, in : Corbet/Goullet/Iogna-Prat, Actes du colloque international du Centre d’Études Médiévales, Adélaïde de Bourgogne. Genèse et représentation d’une sainteté impériale (1999), pp 11-26 PAULHART, Herbert, Die Lebensbeschreibung der Kaiserin Adelheid von Abt Odilo von Cluny, in: Mitteillungen des Instituts für Österreichische Geschichtsforschung, Ergänzungsband 20/2 (1962) SCHÜTZE-PFLUGK, Marianne, Herrscher- und Märtyrerauffassung bei Hrotsvit von Gandersheim, in: Frankfurter Historische Abhandlungen Bd 1 (Wiesbaden 1972), p 62-102 SONNLEITNER, Käthe, Selbstbewusstsein und Selbstverständnis der ottonischen Frauen im Spiegel der Historiographie des 10. Jahrhunderts, in: Härtel, Reinhard (Hg.), Geschichte und ihre Quellen. Festschrift für Friedrich Hausmann zum 70. Geburtstag (Graz 1987), pp 111-119 STAFFORD, Pauline, Queens, concubines and dowagers. The King’s Wife in the Early Middle Ages (London 1998) UHLIRZ, Mathilde, Die rechtliche Stellung der Kaiserinwitwe Adelheid im Deutschen und im Italischen Reich, in: Zeitschrift der Savigny-Stiftung für Rechtsgeschichte / Germanistische Abteilung 74 (1957), S 85-97 WEINFURTER, Stefan, Kaiserin Adelheid und das ottonische Kaisertum, in: Frühmittelalterliche Studien 33/1999, p 1-19 28