The Conversation – Articles (UK)

CFC replacements cause vast ‘forever chemical’ pollution – new research

2026-02-04T15:35:09Z

Arctic ice samples show how concentrations of an abundant forever chemical have changed over recent decades. WizartoProduction/Shutterstock

When the phaseout of ozone-destroying chlorofluorocarbons (CFCs) was first agreed in 1987, the world narrowly avoided an environmental catastrophe. However, the replacement of CFCs is causing the pollution of the Earth’s surface with a “forever chemical” that could remain in the environment for centuries.

The chemical trifluoroacetic acid (TFA) is a breakdown product of numerous chemicals, including CFC replacement gases used in refrigeration and air conditioning, pharmaceuticals such as gases used in inhalation anaesthesia, pesticides, solvents and other forever chemicals from a class known as per-and polyfluoroalkyl substances (PFAS).

Concentrations of TFA have been increasing in rainwater, drinking water, soil and plants over the past two decades. Environmental removal of any of the thousands of different PFAS chemicals is extremely challenging because existing removal technology is difficult to scale up.

If emissions aren’t restricted, the projected cost of PFAS removal has been estimated at €100 billion (£86 billion) per year for Europe. Some researchers have labelled TFA as a “planetary boundary threat” which means it could disrupt Earth’s natural systems beyond repair and threaten our survival.

While some PFAS have been linked to numerous cancers and fertility problems, the long-term health effects of TFA on humans and wildlife remains unknown. However, it has been detected in human blood, breast milk and urine, and is being considered for classification as toxic to reproduction by German government agencies.

While understanding of its consequences continues to develop, increasing TFA pollution urgently needs to be addressed.

A better understanding of the many TFA sources and their relative contributions to environmental levels is required to inform targeted policy.

Evidence from ice cores can offer clues to help detangle these sources. TFA concentrations in Arctic ice over recent decades match the their increasing use. In 2020, Canadian researchers hypothesised that some CFC replacement gases which are known to break down to produce TFA in the atmosphere could be a major source.

These CFC replacements – known as hydrochlorofluorocarbons (HCFCs) and hydrofluorocarbons (HFCs) – are commonly used in refrigeration, air conditioning and for making insulating foams. They eventually leak into the atmosphere as gases and can travel vast distances. These CFC replacements break down to form TFA and other gases. TFA can be either dissolved in clouds then washed out of the atmosphere through rain or deposited directly from air onto the Earth’s surface.

Our new study, published in the journal Geophysical Research Letters, quantified the contribution of these CFC replacements and also inhalation anaesthetics to global TFA production. We found that one-third of a million tonnes of TFA (335,500 tonnes) has been deposited to the Earth’s surface from these sources between 2000 and 2022.

The forever chemical TFA is transported vast distances in the air and can end up washing back to the Earth’s surface in rain. Astrid Gast/Shutterstock

HCFCs and HFCs have now been phased down under various amendments to the 1987 Montreal protocol on substances that deplete the ozone layer, because they are potent greenhouse gases. Despite this, TFA production increased over the period with the peak production projected to be anywhere between 2025 and 2100.

By comparing the amounts of TFA in our model to Arctic ice core records, we found that these sources can explain virtually all of the TFA deposited in the Arctic. This is particularly concerning because it highlights the ability of TFA pollution to spread around the globe. Emissions from highly populated regions in the northern hemisphere can have a big effect on far-flung regions once considered to be pristine, such as the Arctic.

Peak TFA

However, when we compared our model results to rainwater concentrations closer to emissions regions in developed countries with extensive infrastructure or manufacturing, we found that the sources in our model could not explain all the observed TFA. We questioned whether this missing TFA could be explained by a refrigerant known as HFO-1234yf. This chemical is increasingly used in vehicle air-conditioning because of its low impact on global warming.

While often promoted as a sustainable climate-friendly alternative to HFCs, hydrofluoroolefins (HFOs) can produce TFA much more quickly than HFCs (this process takes days for HFOs and years for HFCs). This may mean that the HFOs don’t travel as far in the atmosphere before breaking down, so more TFA gets deposited back on land closer to the regions they are emitted from.

By adding estimated emissions of HFO-1234yf to the model, we were able to considerably explain the gap between the predicted and actual measurements of TFA.

Emissions of HFOs are highly uncertain, so there may be other unknown sources contributing to the TFA observed in rainwater. But with the increasing use of HFOs, TFA will certainly continue to accumulate in the environment. The peak of TFA emissions from these sources will be well into the future if left unregulated now.

Given the risk of its irreversible accumulation in the environment, animals and people, plus a growing understanding of its effects on human health and nature, preventing pollution at source is the safest and healthiest option.

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Lucy Hart receives funding from Natural Environment Research Council ECORISC CDT.

Ryan Hossaini receives funding from the Natural Environment Research Council

Bamboo: superfood or superfad? Here’s what our study actually said

2026-02-04T13:53:32Z

boommaval/Shutterstock.com

According to the New York Post, our research team has discovered a much-overlooked “superfood”: bamboo shoots. Before you rush out to harvest the ornamental bamboo growing in your garden, there are a few things you should know.

We systematically reviewed all the available evidence on bamboo as a food and its effect on human health. The research base turned out to be surprisingly thin – just 16 studies met our criteria, including four trials in people and four that used cells in a dish. The final eight focused on bamboo characteristics with potential application to nutrition. This is what they showed us.

There is evidence of some positive health effects from eating bamboo. One study showed that eating bamboo shoots in cookies better controlled blood sugar levels, and that more bamboo consumption translated to further lowered levels.

Other studies documented the beneficial effects of the fibre they contain. This isn’t limited to the inevitable bowel movements but also includes the delightfully termed “faecal volume”, both of which were shown to improve.

Also, compared to a fibre-free diet, bamboo shoots lowered overall cholesterol and LDL cholesterol (so-called “bad cholesterol”) that can build up in blood vessels and cause heart disease.

One unusual benefit of bamboo is that it contains flavonoids – plant compounds that can protect against acrylamide, a potentially harmful chemical that forms when starchy foods are cooked at high temperatures. These compounds can increase the risk of some cancers and have been the subject of the Food Standards Agency campaign in 2017 to avoid any burning and “go for gold” when cooking.

Eating bamboo may also help calm inflammation and protect cells from damage. In lab tests, it reduced immune cell activity by 63% and halved the release of substances that trigger inflammation in the body. Bamboo also acts as an antioxidant – lab tests showed it cut by nearly half the production of harmful chemicals like hydrogen peroxide that can damage cells.

Although these findings were in cells in a dish, it gives some insight into the action of bamboo extracts on the human body.

The grass isn’t all green, though

However, if bamboo isn’t properly prepared, it can lead to problems. One study linked it to an increased risk of a condition called goitre. Goitre is an enlargement of the thyroid, a gland in the neck that is important for growth and setting the metabolic rate. It is visible as a swelling in the front of the neck and is most typically associated with low iodine consumption.

Poorly prepared bamboo contains chemicals called cyanogenic glycosides, which the body converts into another chemical called thiocyanate. These block the thyroid from using iodine effectively. People on low-iodine diets, or with existing thyroid issues, are particularly at risk. But the risk of goitre from bamboo shoot consumption may be reduced by properly preparing the shoot to eat, which can be achieved by boiling the shoot in water.

Some of the bamboo samples analysed contained heavy metals, like arsenic, cadmium and lead. These show up in most foods in trace amounts, and have safety levels specified, for example, by the Food Standards Agency.

Some bamboo shoots contained heavy metals. aomas/Shutterstock.com

While most were measured well within permitted limits, lead was found in amounts up to 4.6 times the permitted levels in 21 of the samples assessed. While caution is important, these concentrations were not shown to affect the health of the cells in the lab, which might suggest how easily such chemicals are used by tissues (their so-called “bio-availability”).

There are some other things to bear in mind too. The evidence base in this area isn’t as strong as it could be. The few relevant studies we did find on this topic had some methodological issues and they didn’t offer the most compelling evidence for their findings.

We could only formally assess the four trials on people, which scored in a range indicating “overall satisfactory quality”. As ever, though, they do show the value of research in this area, and the attention our study has garnered shows the public’s clear interest in the topic.

Still, the research shows that bamboo shoots have potential as a sustainable, healthy food. And like the shoots themselves, interest in this area is only likely to grow – rapidly.

The authors do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

Bridgerton: why not knowing how to dance could ruin your reputation in Regency Britain

2026-02-04T13:53:29Z

When a silver-clad stranger admits she cannot dance at a masquerade ball in the first episode of Bridgerton’s new season, Benedict Bridgerton (Luke Thompson) is both entertained and mystified.

“A lady who cannot dance? Is this a part of the character you are playing tonight? A silver ingenue?” he asks Sophie Baek (Yerin Ha). A lady of the Ton who is unequipped with the vital accomplishments for the “season”? Unthinkable. Today, we are no longer defined by our ability to dance, but in the world of Bridgerton, dance is central to identity and a signifier of social status.

In Regency Britain (1795-1837), dance was a vital accomplishment for elite society. The skill was regularly deployed in assembly rooms and the London townhouses of the beau monde – the pinnacle of metropolitan fashionable society.

From an early age, boys and girls in polite society were trained in deportment (posture and bodily carriage), etiquette and dancing by dancing masters – a role assumed by Benedict at the Bridgerton masquerade.

Dancing in Regency Britain

The real Prince Regent of the time (the future George IV) started to learn from his dancing master at the age of six, becoming so renowned for his prowess that he was celebrated as “the life of the dance”. Dancing masters were crucial to transforming girls and boys into ladies and gentlemen, equipping them with the skills necessary to perform when they made their entrance into society around the age of 18.

At a dance lesson in fashionable Queen’s Square, the German traveller, diarist and novelist Sophie von la Roche observed that the six-year-old girls “are eager to learn, as they are already quite advanced and promise to make good dancers”.

Le Bon Genre, La Walse by unknown artist (1812). Courtesy of the Lewis Walpole Library, Yale University

However, not everyone in elite society was an accomplished dancer. Writing about the Duke of Devonshire, the press diplomatically observed that dancing was “not his forte”. Meanwhile, the real Queen Charlotte’s eldest daughter struggled with her dance lessons as a teenager. The Princess Royal pleaded in a letter to her governess: “I have behaved well in every occasion except last Wednesday, that I danced ill … However, I hope that you will not give me quite up, since I have done everything else well, and that I dance[d] better last Friday.”

A lack of skill would only lead to ridicule and disgrace, as Lord Mansfield observed of the 19-year-old Lord Titchfield in a letter: “To set out in London raw as he is seems to be Ruin.”

Dance was a prized accomplishment for building reputation and staking a claim to inclusion in elite society, especially since “narrow examination[s]” and “thoro’ inspection[s]” were integral to the ballroom. Learning to dance was so ubiquitous in polite society that those who did not – or could not – dance stood out from the crowd.

The societal waltz

In Bridgerton, as the illegitimate daughter of an earl, Sophie is disadvantaged, but has not have been entirely excluded from society. We’re told that she was allowed to watch lessons with her stepsisters, but was not directly included and taught.

Unaware of Sophie’s background, Benedict is perplexed by her “puzzling” inability to dance, assuming that she was raised like the other young ladies of the Ton. And it is precisely this inability to dance that becomes a defining characteristic in his search for her in the following episodes. Indeed, Benedict’s hopes are raised when he hears of Mrs Mondrich’s (Emma Naomi) neighbour, who had not been taught to dance – certain she must be his mysterious lady in silver.

The trailer for Bridgerton season four.

As Sophie’s dancing master, Benedict teaches her the waltz – a scandalous dance newly introduced to the British ballroom from France and Germany.

Unlike the lively and communal country dance and graceful minuet, which revolved around distance, the waltz featured a couple in a close embrace whirling around the ballroom. While quite a tame dance form today, the Regency waltz’s close physical contact shocked society. “Mad, bad, and dangerous to know” poet, Lord Byron even wrote a poem about it in 1812:

Hot from the hands promiscuously applied,

Round the slight waist, or down the glowing side;

Where were the rapture then to clasp the form,

From this lewd grasp, and lawless contact warm?

Benedict teaches Sophie the waltz box step (which actually emerged in the late 19th century), but the Regency waltz was even more daring, with the dancers stepping between their partner’s legs. With a new, fashionable dance to master, diarist Thomas Raikes observed: “Old and young returned to school, and the mornings were now absorbed at home … whirling a chair round the room to learn the step and measure of the German waltz.” He continued: “The anti-waltzing party took the alarm, cried it down; mothers forbad it, and every ballroom became a scene of feud and contention” – a marked contrast to the ball scenes we see in Bridgerton.

Despite being raised as a social outcast, Sophie learns the waltz with ease like the other ladies in elite society, showing her compatibility with this season’s hero, and, perhaps, hinting at her true belonging in the Ton.

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Hillary Burlock receives funding from the British Academy as a Postdoctoral Fellow.

How our lab is helping develop an Alzheimer’s test that can be done at home

2026-02-04T13:53:27Z

These tests could be done at home, making Alzheimer's diagnosis more accessible. nito/ Shutterstock

Imagine diagnosing one of the most challenging neurological diseases with just a quick finger-prick, a few drops of blood and a test sent in the post. This may sound like science fiction, but we are hoping our research could soon help it become a reality.

Our team at the UK Dementia Research Institute’s Biomarker Factory at UCL are part of the global effort working to develop and validate a test for Alzheimer’s disease. We’re currently working to overcome the various technical challenges facing these tests so that this test can one day soon be available to the broader public.

What do finger-prick tests look for?

At their core, these finger-prick tests are designed to detect specific biomarkers.
Biomarkers are biological molecules found in the blood which indicate signs of disease. In the case of Alzheimer’s disease, the brain gradually accumulates abnormal proteins. These proteins form structures such as amyloid plaques and tau tangles which damage the brain’s neural networks. They’re also involved in brain inflammation.

These abnormal proteins can be detected in the brain, cerebrospinal fluid and, importantly, the blood years before symptoms arise.

Recently, research has also shown these biomarkers can be measured in dried blood samples from a simple finger-prick. A study focusing on 337 people showed that these dried blood samples can reliably detect Alzheimer’s-related changes in biomarkers with a diagnostic accuracy of around 86% compared to conventional methods.

Once refined and validated, these tests could aid with early detection, screening at-risk people, tracking disease progression or even evaluating the effectiveness of emerging treatments.

What are the shortcomings of current diagnostic tools?

In addition to cognitive tests (which check for cognitive decline and memory problems), there are currently two robust approaches for diagnosing signs of Alzheimer’s in the brain.

The first is PET imaging. These scans detect disease characteristics using radioactive tracers which light up areas of the brain where tangles and plaques may be present. However, PET scans are expensive, use radioactivity and require specialist facilities.

The second method uses a spinal tap to extract cerebrospinal fluid (the clear, colourless liquid that protects the brain and extracts waste). This looks for the same biomarkers as finger-prick tests. However, this method is invasive and can be painful and stressful to patients. Some people also may not be eligible to have it done.

PET scans are expensive and require specialist facilities. Gorodenkoff/ Shutterstock

Cognitive tests also have shortcomings. As a result, people whose first language isn’t the one in which the test is being administered, or those who have other health conditions that also cause cognitive problems, may be misdiagnosed.

And, while cognitive testing can give an idea about a potential issue, these tests alone can’t tell us what specific condition is causing symptoms. This can also lead to misdiagnosis.

Even traditional blood tests done in a clinic have limitations. These tests require immediate processing (or refrigeration) and careful handling to avoid influencing biomarker levels. This makes traditional blood tests impractical for large-scale, population-level screening – particularly in underserved or rural regions.

By contrast, the finger-prick test we’re developing can be done at home and posted to a lab without refrigeration.

What are we working on in the lab?

Our lab is currently working to improve the sensitivity, reliability and real-world usability of these finger-prick tests.

We’re currently experimenting with different, sensitive biomarker detection methods – using just tiny volumes of blood collected from either the finger or the vein and seeing how these compare.

Alongside tau and amyloid, we’re also testing other proteins associated with Alzheimer’s and various neurodegenerative disorders – such as Parkinson’s disease and multiple sclerosis.

Our hope with these tests is not only to identify Alzheimer’s disease, but to catch it before irreversible brain damage occurs. This would open a window for early intervention.

With novel therapies emerging that may slow the disease, early identification is critical.

What challenges have we encountered?

Designing these tests hasn’t been straightforward. We’ve encountered a few major hurdles along the way.

The first hurdle we encountered had to do with the biomarkers themselves.

Alzheimer’s biomarker levels are often much lower in the blood than they are in cerebrospinal fluid. So the technological methods needed to measure them accurately had to be very sensitive.

Another obstacle we encountered related to sample quality. Without refrigeration, the proteins can degrade – giving inaccurate readings and potentially misdiagnoses. So we’re currently working to develop collection and mailing methods that ensure these dried blood proteins are stable and don’t degrade before testing.

Data interpretation has also been a challenge. Although these tests are accurate for the majority of cases, we still need to figure out how to interpret outliers – such as participants who have high biomarker levels without other signs of the disease, and those who have low biomarker levels with significant signs of the disease. So even when we detect elevated biomarkers, interpreting what that means for a person’s Alzheimer’s risk is complex.

Alzheimer’s biomarkers are also not exclusive to the disease. Similar biomarkers can occur in other neurological conditions such as vascular dementia, multiple sclerosis, and even in otherwise asymptomatic people or even healthy newborns.

We’ve since refined our tests so they’re more sensitive and have sourced and are currently comparing devices that make at-home sample collection easier. These solutions are steadily improving test reliability.

What could our work mean for Alzheimer’s diagnosis?

It’s important to emphasise that these tests are still at least a few years away from routine use. But, if validated, finger-prick tests could revolutionise Alzheimer’s diagnosis in several ways.

It would allow for earlier detection of the disease and broaden access for patients. It would also enable larger, more diverse population studies to be conducted – reducing historical gaps in Alzheimer’s research and improving our understanding of the disease globally.

The idea of diagnosing Alzheimer’s with a quick, finger-prick test marks a profound shift in how we could approach neurodegenerative diseases. Moving beyond invasive, costly procedures toward accessible, patient-friendly diagnostics carries enormous potential — for patients, their families and future research.

My unsung hero of science: Frank Malina – fearless rocket engineer, groundbreaking artist and communist ‘traitor’

2026-02-04T13:53:25Z

Test crew for the Jato prototype solid rocket booster including a dapper-looking Frank Malina (centre), August 1941. Nasa Jet Propulsion Laboratory/Wikimedia

Frank Malina was a lot of things. The Texas-born aeronautical engineer co-designed the first jet-assisted take-off (Jato) rocket and the US’s first operational high-altitude rocket. He co-founded and became director of Nasa’s Jet Propulsion Laboratory – and along the way, joined a team of rocket engineers who became known as the “suicide squad” for their risk-taking approach.

Malina was also a pacifist and anti-fascist, a card-carrying member of the Communist party, and a painter and pioneer in the field of kinetic art – where motion, be it mechanically or naturally produced, is critical to the artwork. His efforts to bridge science and technology with the creative arts led to him launching Leonardo, MIT press’s world-leading journal on the use of contemporary science and technology in the arts and music.

This series is dedicated to little-known but highly influential scientists who have had a powerful influence on the careers and research paths of many others, including the authors of these articles.

His exceptional approach leant a credibility to research at the intersection of art and technology, opening the door for generations who would follow in his footsteps – including my work in sound and music computing, combining media engineering and music composition techniques to produce auditory displays.

Today, such systems for presenting information through sound are ubiquitous, from our mobile devices to our cars. Yet if it wasn’t for the efforts of figures like Malina, building bridges between the arts and sciences, fields like mine wouldn’t exist at all.

The suicide squad

Malina is said to have disappointed his musician father when he expressed interest in science and maths as a child – eventually opting for a career in engineering. In 1935, two amateur rocket enthusiasts, Jack Parsons and Ed Forman, approached the young graduate student about forming a new rocket research group at the California Institute of Technology.

Parsons, the group’s self-taught chemist, was an avowed occultist and a leading light within the Ordo Templi Orientis, an occult secret society that was headed by Aleister Crowley – the British occultist and ceremonial magician sometimes described as “the wickedest man in the world”. Forman was the mechanic and focused on the material construction of the rockets. Some early fumbles soon earned them the “suicide squad” tag.

Frank Malina was part of a team of rocket engineers who were dubbed ‘the suicide squad’. Video: Propulsion+

The unorthodox pair adopted an intuitive, hands-on approach to rocketry which relied heavily on trial-and-error, and resulted in more than a few near misses. Malina provided the academic rigour, ensuring that experiments were designed and carried out to a high scientific standard.

Rocketry was still considered science fiction as the world approached the brink of war in 1938, so Malina was careful to describe their approach as “jet-assisted takeoff” when pursuing the US military for funding.

In fact, Malina was an avowed pacifist who claimed reluctance at “making rockets for murdering purposes”. It might seem strange, then, that he would align himself with the US Army – but against the backdrop of rising global fascism, and limited options for funding, he had few other options to pursue his engineering ambitions.

Declared a fugitive

Having been thoroughly convinced of the complete failure of capitalism by his experiences of the Great Depression, Malina became a member of the Communist Party of the United States in 1938 – holding meetings at his home until the early 1940s as war raged across Europe.

But this proved problematic as he rose up the ranks of Nasa’s newly founded Jet Propulsion Laboratory. By the time he took over as director in 1944, he was coming under increased surveillance from the FBI, who had been watching him since Parsons – secretly an FBI informant – had reported Malina’s communist associations in 1942.

After the war, Malina became increasingly distressed with attempts by the army at JPL to co-opt his rocket designs to deliver nuclear weapons – confiding this to his psychoanalyst, who was also monitoring him for the FBI.

Malina became aware of the FBI’s investigations after a run-in with an agent on a train journey in 1945. Increasingly disillusioned with the weaponisation of his rocketry research, he left for Europe in 1947 to take up the position with the new international agency Unesco in Paris. As its deputy science director, he hoped to find a more peaceful way of furthering the common global good through science.

In the US, he was branded a traitor as McCarthy era tensions heightened. At the height of this “red scare” in 1952, FBI director J. Edgar Hoover had him indicted and declared a fugitive, and his passport was revoked.

Pushing the possibilities of art

Throughout his scientific career, Malina produced paintings and drawings in his spare time. In 1953, at the age of 41, Malina resigned from Unesco to pursue a full-time career as an artist in Paris.

Initially, he explored the moiré effect, meticulously crafting overlapping grids of wire mesh, steel cords and metal components to reveal unique patterns when viewed from different angles. The Musée d'Art Moderne de la Ville de Paris soon acquired one of his first major abstract paintings, Deep Shadows (1954), which used these string-and-mesh techniques.

Increasingly drawing on his engineering background, Malina began integrating mechanical systems and lighting assemblies into his art, producing pioneering works that spanned the fields of light art and kinetic art. Not unlike his early rocketry work, Malina’s art was rejected by traditionalists but celebrated by the European avant-garde for integrating cutting-edge science in art, and opening up radical new artistic possibilities.

Frank Malina oversees his Cosmos installation in the Pergamon Press lobby in Oxford, 1968.

In 1965, Malina’s kinetic installation for the Pergamon Press building in Oxford, Cosmos, cemented his reputation as an artist. This labyrinth of fluorescent lights and painted plexiglass rotor wheels integrated his expertise as both rocket scientist and artist. It was restored and installed at Oxford Brookes University in 2019.

Malina applied the same sytematic rigour to all his engineering and artistic experiments. This unusual combination saw him launch Leonardo in 1968 – an academic journal that enables artists to explain their work and methods in a manner similar to scientists. It has subsequently expanded into a torch-bearing organisation that publishes books, runs talks and provides support for an international network of researchers and artists.

The extraordinary career of Malina – who died in Paris in 1981 – blazed a trail for generations of interdisciplinary researchers who have followed in his wake. Yet both his scientific and artistic achievements were suppressed because he was labelled a communist traitor in the US.

For many years, Malina’s significant contributions to rocketry – critical in putting a man on the Moon – were erased from official histories. The damage to his reputation also made it difficult for US institutions to publicly embrace his artwork.

Malina said he felt betrayed by a system that had raised up a former Nazi engineer like Wernher von Braun to the status of hero, while erasing the contributions of scientists such as himself for their links to communism. Thankfully, Malina’s vision of interdisciplinary collaboration has outlived the harshest critiques of his detractors – a testament to the originality and ingenuity of his work.

Stephen Roddy is affiliated with the IEEE and the Radical Humanities Laboratory (UCC) his work has been supported by the Irish Research Council.

Could Andrew Mountbatten-Windsor be compelled to testify in US Epstein investigation?

2026-02-04T13:51:56Z

The release of more Jeffrey Epstein files has again brought Andrew Mountbatten-Windsor and his friendship with the convicted paedophile sex offender back into the spotlight.

The tranche of files contains emails between the former prince, his wife Sarah Ferguson, and Epstein, including after the latter’s house arrest for soliciting a minor for prostitution. Also included is a photo of Mountbatten-Windsor kneeling over an unidentified woman on the ground.

A second woman, said to be in her 20s at the time, has now come forward with allegations that Epstein sent her to the UK for a sexual encounter with Mountbatten-Windsor. The first, Virginia Giuffre, died by suicide in early 2025.

Mountbatten-Windsor continues to deny any allegations of wrongdoing related to Giuffre and Epstein. He was stripped of all his official titles in October 2025.

The latest developments have prompted calls for the former prince to testify in front of the US Congress as part of their investigation into Epstein’s crimes. Last year, a congressional panel wrote to Mountbatten-Windsor to ask him to submit to questioning. Now, ministers including Keir Starmer have suggested that he should voluntarily testify.

This is unlikely to happen, for several reasons.

The first, and most straightforward reason, is that Mountbatten-Windsor can’t be compelled to testify in the US. Typically, when potential witnesses refuse to appear voluntarily, the US Congress or a court can issue a subpoena for their testimony.

This is essentially a demand that a person come testify even if they don’t want to, and if they don’t then they can be subject to some form of punishment (being held in contempt of Congress or court, and possible civil penalties).

However, under US federal law, subpoena power only extends to US citizens or residents, not foreign nationals.

One possible option might be found in the application of a mutual legal assistance in criminal matters treaty that exists between the UK and the US. It calls for one state to assist the other when the latter state is conducting a domestic criminal investigation or prosecution.

The sort of assistance required can include the taking of testimony or a statement from a witness located in the country assisting with the investigation. Should the witness refuse to testify, they would then face punishment under the law of the country providing assistance.

Under this treaty, the US could request that the UK government compel Mountbatten-Windsor’s testimony so that it might then be shared with Congress. The difficulty with this approach is that the UK is permitted to refuse the request for various reasons, including national security interests or other public policy concerns. Past practice regarding secrecy about the monarchy would suggest that either or both bases for refusal could be exercised in this case.

If he testifies

If Mountbatten-Windsor were to voluntarily testify in the US Congressional investigation, could it spell trouble for the rest of the royals?

He is accused of actions that were allegedly done in his private capacity and not as a representative of the crown, so it’s unlikely they could be attributed back to monarchy. In any case, the king is likely more concerned about embarrassment to the institution of the monarchy than to any tangible negative repercussions.

He would likely object to Mountbatten-Windsor testifying, but those objections would more probably revolve around the monarchy’s traditional desire for privacy and not wanting their dirty laundry aired in public (any more than it already has been).

Theoretically, the king may want to reserve the possibility of his brother testifying as a future bargaining chip, should the UK want some form of concession from the US. However, there is no evidence of that happening.

Whether the former prince himself is more exposed, legally, now that he is no longer a royal is a slightly complicated question. Some state officials are protected from prosecution for crimes by personal immunity (immunity ratione personae).

This essentially means they can’t be prosecuted by a foreign court during the time they hold office (but can be prosecuted after leaving office). This principle is applicable in both the UK and the US as customary international law, which means it is binding due to consistent state practice.

Whether this applies with regard to Mountbatten-Windsor really turns on whether his role as prince made him a government official eligible for this sort of immunity. It is usually reserved for very senior members of government and heads of state, so it is highly unlikely that being a “working royal” would qualify.

He might attempt to claim diplomatic immunity under the Vienna convention on diplomatic relations. It could be argued that he is entitled to immunity, either in his capacity as UK special trade envoy between 2001-11, or as a “working royal” representing the UK while abroad.

However, there is no precedent for finding that a member of the monarchy is the functional equivalent of a diplomat – particularly where they lack power to negotiate and make deals with foreign governments.

Other legal possibilities

The real danger to Mountbatten-Windsor is that if he were to voluntarily travel to the US to testify as a witness, he could accidentally incriminate himself and end up getting arrested. Such a case, however, seems unlikely. Presumably, he would obtain legal advice before testifying, giving him a clear idea of what he should or should not say.

The most immediate legal peril he could face is the possibility of prosecution in the UK. Police have announced that they intend to investigate a woman’s claims that she was trafficked to the UK for the purpose of having sex with Mountbatten-Windsor. Should they find sufficient evidence that a crime took place, Mountbatten-Windsor could find himself in the dock.

Despite that, under UK law he still cannot be compelled to testify. However, refusing to do so could be seen by a judge or jury as a mark against him when considering all of the evidence.

Caleb H. Wheeler does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

Peter Mandelson steps down from the House of Lords – but he still has his title

2026-02-03T18:40:56Z

Peter Mandelson has stepped down from the House of Lords over fresh revelations about his links to deceased sex offender Jeffrey Epstein. These now include emails suggesting thousands of pounds were sent to Mandelson’s husband, that Mandelson lobbied against US bank reforms on behalf of Epstein while he was a UK government minister, and that he shared sensitive information with him. The prime minister, Keir Starmer, had signalled that he wanted him out of the Lords “by hook or by crook”.

He is lucky that Mandelson took the hint and resigned because the prime minister doesn’t currently have the power to remove members of the Lords. And while Mandelson is leaving the House, he will keep his title. He remains Lord Peter Mandelson of Foy and Hartlepool, even though the prime minister has said he does not think it right that he should use the title.

Prior to reforms brought in by the Conservative and Liberal Democrat coalition government in 2014, removing a member of the House of Lords was virtually impossible. Erskine May (the authoritative guide to parliamentary practice) states that membership of the House was effectively for life.

Prior to the changes, life peers could not resign, and could, in theory, stop attending indefinitely without losing their seat in the Lords. Even imprisonment did not, technically, end their membership of the house. The House of Lords couldn’t expel its own members. It could only, temporarily, suspend them.

Death was the only automatic membership termination. Peers who wanted to retire could not, those who never attended remained, and those guilty of serious crimes or misconduct could not be permanently removed.

The 2014 reforms brought in some options, including voluntary resignation or retirement by giving written notice, automatic removal if a peer fails to attend the House at all during an entire parliamentary session (unless they have approved leave of absence) and expulsion if convicted of a serious criminal offence and sentenced to more than one year in prison.

Further reforms in 2015 also made it possible to expel or suspend a peer following a report by the Lords’ Conduct Committee for serious misconduct.

But as it stands, removal from the House of Lords cannot be instigated by the prime minister, UK government, or the king.

This was all a grave concern for the government as allegations continued to flow about Mandelson. Had he not stepped aside – or been convinced to step aside behind closed doors – there would have been little Starmer could have done to remove him through government powers alone.

What about the title?

The issue surrounding Lord Mandelson’s title is more complex. Removal from the chamber does not automatically mean removal of the title. As described in Gadd’s Peerage Law, once the Crown has granted a peerage it is “very difficult to deprive the holder of it” .

Unlike membership of the House of Lords, a peerage title cannot be relinquished. Not even the Crown has the power to cancel one once created by “letters patent” – a legal document issued by the sovereign and adorned with the Great Seal.

The government confirmed last year that an act of parliament is required to remove a peerage title once conferred. This has happened before, under the Titles Deprivation Act 1917, which removed the peerages of members who had aided Brtain’s enemies during the War. The need for an Act of Parliament has also been reaffirmed recently with the removal of Andrew Mountbatten-Windsor’s titles.

Given these complexities, it has been reported that the prime minister’s office believes it is “exceptionally constitutionally difficult” to remove Mandelson’s title, even with a large Commons majority. Even though Starmer has called for action to be taken, it’s not entirely clear how this will happen.

Mandelson’s resignation enables the Lords and government to avoid having to take action to expel a peer for now, but it’s worth noting that the 2024 Labour manifesto promised to make it easier to remove disgraced members.

That said, this needs to be a matter for the Lords first to consider internally. If the prime minister tries to award himself the power to remove members, this could further weaken constitutional safeguards in the future and jeopardise the system of check and balance that the House of Lords offers against the power of the UK government, albeit in a subordinate way.

Any future reform in this area must be mindful of the precedent it creates, and what that might mean for future governments’ decisions surrounding who sits in the House of Lords, and, importantly, who is forced out.

Stephen Clear does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

Why are scientists calling for urgent action on amoebas?

2026-02-03T18:40:54Z

Naegleria fowleri, the brain-eating amoeba. Kateryna Kon/Shutterstock.com

Scientists are calling for urgent action on free-living amoebas – a little-known group of microbes that could pose a growing global health threat. Here’s what you need to know.

Free-living amoebas are single-celled organisms that don’t need a host to live. They are found in soil and water, from puddles to lakes.

What makes them remarkable is their ability to change shape and move using temporary arm-like extensions called pseudopodia – literally “false feet”. This allows them to thrive in an astonishing range of environments.

What is the ‘brain-eating amoeba’ and how dangerous is it?

The most notorious free-living amoeba is Naegleria fowleri, commonly known as the “brain-eating amoeba”. It lives naturally in warm freshwater, typically between 30°C and 40°C – lakes, rivers and hot springs. But it is rarely found in temperate countries such as the UK, due to the cold weather.

The infection happens when contaminated water enters through the nose, usually while swimming. From there, the amoeba travels along the nasal passages to the brain, where it destroys brain tissue. The outcome is usually devastating, with a mortality rate of 95%-99%.

Occasionally, Naegleria fowleri has been found in tap water, particularly when it’s warm and hasn’t been properly chlorinated. Some people have become infected while using contaminated tap water to rinse their sinuses for religious or health reasons.

Fortunately, you cannot get infected by drinking contaminated water, and the infection doesn’t spread from person to person.

Nasal rinsing with contaminated tap water is risky. Zaruna/Shutterstock.com

Why are these amoebas so difficult to kill?

Brain-eating amoebas can be killed by proper water treatment and chlorination. But eliminating them from water systems isn’t always straightforward.

When they attach to biofilms – communities of microorganisms that form inside pipes – disinfectants like chlorine struggle to reach them, and organic matter can reduce the disinfectants’ effectiveness.

The amoeba can also survive warm temperatures by forming “cysts” – hard protective shells – making it harder to control in water networks, especially during summer or in poorly maintained systems.

What is the ‘Trojan-horse effect’ and why does it matter?

Free-living amoebas aren’t just dangerous on their own. They can also act as living shields for other harmful microbes, protecting them from environmental stress and disinfection.

While amoebas normally feed on bacteria, fungi and viruses, some bacteria – like Mycobacterium tuberculosis (which causes TB) and Legionella pneumophila (which causes legionnaires’ disease) – have evolved to survive and multiply inside them. This helps these pathogens survive longer and potentially become more dangerous.

Amoebas also shelter fungi such as Cryptococcus neoformans, which can cause fungal meningitis. It can also shelter viruses, such as human norovirus and adenovirus, which cause respiratory, eye and gastrointestinal infections.

By protecting these pathogens, amoebas help them survive longer in water and soil, and may even help spread antibiotic resistance.

How is climate change making the problem worse?

Climate change is probably making the threat from free-living amoebas worse by creating more favourable conditions for their growth.

Naegleria fowleri thrives in warm freshwater. As global temperatures rise, the habitable zone for these heat-loving amoebas has expanded into regions that were previously too cool. This potentially exposes more people to them through recreational water use.

Several recent outbreaks linked to recreational water exposure have already raised public concern in multiple countries. These climate-driven changes – warmer waters, longer warm seasons, and increased human contact with water – make controlling the risks more difficult than ever before.

Are our water systems adequately checked for these organisms?

Most water systems are not routinely checked for free-living amoebas. The organisms are rare, can hide in biofilms or sediments, and require specialised tests to detect, making routine monitoring expensive and technically challenging.

Instead, water safety relies on proper chlorination, maintaining disinfectant levels, and flushing systems regularly, rather than testing directly for the amoeba. While some guidance exists for high-risk areas, widespread monitoring is not standard practice.

Beyond brain infections, what other health risks do these amoebas pose?

Free-living amoebas aren’t just a threat to the brain. They can cause painful eye infections, particularly in contact lens users, skin lesions in people with weakened immune systems, and rare but serious systemic infections affecting organs such as the lungs, liver and kidneys.

What’s being done to address this threat?

Free-living amoebas such as Naegleria fowleri are rare but can be deadly, so prevention is crucial. These organisms don’t fit neatly into either medical or environmental categories – they span both, requiring a holistic approach that links environmental surveillance, water management, and clinical awareness to reduce risk.

Environmental change, gaps in water treatment and expanding habitats make monitoring – and clear communication of risk – more important than ever.

Keeping water systems properly chlorinated, flushing hot water systems, and following safe recreational water and contact lens hygiene guidelines all help reduce the chance of infection. Meanwhile, researchers continue to improve detection methods and doctors work to recognise cases early.

Should people be worried about their tap water or going swimming?

People cannot get infected with free-living amoebas like Naegleria fowleri by drinking water, even if it contains the organism. Infection occurs only when contaminated water enters the nose, allowing the amoeba to reach the brain. Swallowing the water poses no risk because the amoeba cannot survive or invade through the digestive tract.

The risk from swimming in well-maintained pools or treated water is extremely low. The danger comes from warm, untreated freshwater, particularly during hot weather.

What can people do to protect themselves?

People can protect themselves from free-living amoebas by reducing exposure to warm, stagnant water. Simple steps include avoiding putting your head underwater in lakes or rivers during hot weather, using nose clips when swimming, choosing well-maintained pools, and keeping home water systems properly flushed and heated.

Contact lens users should follow strict hygiene and never rinse lenses with tap water. For nasal rinsing, only use sterile, distilled, or previously boiled water.

Awareness is key. If you develop a severe headache, fever, nausea, or stiff neck after freshwater exposure, seek medical attention immediately – early treatment is critical.

Manal Mohammed does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

What new twins study reveals about genes, environment and longevity

2026-02-03T17:32:02Z

Digital Media Pro/Shutterstock.com

Why do some people live to 100 while their sibling dies decades earlier? Is it luck, lifestyle, or something written into their DNA?

Relative to many other species, humans are particularly long lived, but there is an ongoing argument about how much of our long lifespan is shaped by our genes and how much to our environment. It’s the old “nature versus nurture” debate.

Researchers have repeatedly used large population studies to estimate how much genetics influences longevity. Historically, these studies have found relatively modest effects, typically around 25% to 33%, with some estimates as low as 6-16%.

A recent study published in Science challenged this trend, revising the estimate upward to about 50% by accounting for changes in external causes of death – such as accidents and infectious diseases – and separating the effects of genetics and environment in large historical cohorts of twins.

We know that individual genes affect lifespans in different species. A single mutation in the gene coding for the insulin sensor of worms would cause them to double their lifespan. Since that 1993 discovery, scientists have experimentally extended the lifespans of flies and mice, and even found hints of similar effects in long-lived humans.

However, the effect of this single gene variation seems to be lessened as the species becomes more long lived, so don’t expect a single gene mutation to suddenly cause 200-year human life expectancies. Also, these were gene mutations affecting the sensitivity of insulin and insulin-like growth factor hormones – in other words, the mutations seem to mimic the metabolic effects of a healthy diet and regular exercise.

Perhaps an obvious statement to make, but many of our body’s traits, including longevity, are the sum of all our inherited genes, not just a single gene. But how much is genetics and how much is lifestyle is the open question.

This amount is more than an interesting number. If genetics mostly controls how long we live, then new anti-ageing treatments and lifestyle changes won’t help much. But if genetics plays a smaller role, then what we do and the treatments we use could make a bigger difference in how long we live.

Nature’s perfect experiment

To tackle this question, the authors of the Science paper used data from the Swedish Adoption/Twin Study of Ageing. Because it includes a rare set of twins raised apart, the data makes it easier to tease apart the effects of genes and environment, creating something close to a natural experiment in humans.

By studying monozygotic (“identical”) twins, or people with identical genomes born between 1900 and 1935 and attempting to correct for rapidly changing external influences of health and mortality during this period, the authors conclude that the inherited influence of lifespan is about 50%.

Put another way, about 50% of your potential lifespan is given to you by your parents, and the other 50% is the environment you live in. Things such as exercise, nutrition, sleep, stress, pollution and infectious disease exposure all fall into this external category.

Identical twins, followed over a lifetime, can reveal a lot. JGA/Shutterstock.com

The researchers then validated their models using data from populations in Denmark and the US. However, this also means the study populations were largely white, wealthy and European. Including more diverse populations will be important for determining how well these findings apply to humanity as a whole.

The reason that the authors put forward for their number being so much higher than others is their accounting for the effects of changing external influences on longevity, things such as improving sanitation and medication.

Indeed, if they don’t correct for external causes of death, their model finds numbers in the 20-30% range, or much closer to prior estimates. As the authors note, many health traits seem to be about 50% heritable, so there’s an internal logic of longevity as a trait following this trend.

These estimates could still change. Longevity studies in humans are time consuming, relying on historical records or following populations over roughly 100 years as people live their normal lives. As the authors note: “Heritability is a statistic that applies to a particular population in a particular environment at a particular time.”

This doesn’t mean that your personal actions aren’t helping you – this debate probably isn’t over yet. This is the largest estimate of the effect of genetics on longevity to emerge recently in the scientific literature, but even if genes account for about half our lifespan’s story, the other half is still being written every day.

Bradley Elliott receives funding from the Physiological Society, the British Society for Research on Ageing, the Altitude Centre, and private philanthropic individuals, and has consulted for industry and government on longevity research. He is on the Board of Trustees of the British Society for Research on Ageing.

Climate ‘fingerprints’ mark human activity from the top of the atmosphere to the bottom of the ocean

2026-02-03T17:32:00Z

buradaki/Shutterstock

The world is warming. This fact is most often discussed for the Earth’s surface, where we live. But the climate is also changing from the top of the atmosphere to the bottom of the ocean. And there is a clear fingerprint of humanity’s role in causing these changes through greenhouse gas emissions, primarily from burning fossil fuels.

Over the last several decades, satellites have monitored the Earth and measured how much heat enters and leaves the atmosphere. Over that time, as greenhouse gas concentrations have increased in the atmosphere, there has been less heat escaping to space, causing an imbalance with more heat being retained.

The consequence is a rapidly heating planet.

The “warming stripes” are one striking and simple way of visually highlighting the resulting variations in Earth’s surface temperature using shades of blue and red for cool and warm, with one stripe per year.

One billion individual measurements of a thermometer combine to produce the clearest picture of our warming planet from 1850 to 2025. The last 11 years have been the warmest 11 years on record and this sequence is unlikely to end anytime soon.

Warming stripes representing changes in global average surface temperatures from 1850 to 2025. Ed Hawkins / University of Reading, CC BY

We recently extended this concept upwards through the atmosphere and downwards into the ocean, although the available datasets are shorter.

Satellites have monitored the temperature of different layers of the atmosphere since 1979. The warming stripes for the troposphere (the lowest layers of the atmosphere, within which commercial flights operate) are very similar to the warming stripes of the surface, with the warmest years predominantly occurring over the last decade. Instead of using surface temperature measurements from thermometers, the atmospheric temperature is measured by instruments on satellites called radiometers that detect how much infrared radiation is emitted from air molecules. These satellite-based estimates help corroborate the surface warming that we have already observed.

Higher up in the atmosphere, the picture changes.

The warming stripes over the upper atmosphere (the part called the stratosphere that’s above typical airline cruising height) reveal a cooling trend, with the warmest years around 1980 and the coolest years over the past decade. This feature may appear surprising. If the atmosphere is gaining heat, shouldn’t the stratosphere be warming too?

Actually, this feature is a clear fingerprint of how human activities are the direct cause of our changing climate.

Global temperature change from the top of the atmosphere to the bottom of the ocean. Ed Hawkins / University of Reading, CC BY

Why is there this pattern of temperature change? The concentrations of greenhouse gases have increased throughout the atmosphere, making the atmosphere more efficient at absorbing and giving off heat. In the lower atmosphere, this effect acts as a blanket, retaining more heat and warming the surface.

Higher up, where the air is thin and very little heat arrives from below, extra carbon dioxide allows the stratosphere to lose more heat to space than it gains, so the stratosphere cools. Another factor is the destruction of stratospheric ozone by substances known as chlorofluorocarbons (CFCs), which produces cooling in the lower stratosphere.

This human-caused fingerprint of a warming troposphere and cooling stratosphere was first suggested by scientists as a consequence of increasing atmospheric carbon dioxide levels in the 1960s, long before the cooling stratosphere was observed. Importantly, this pattern would not be seen if, for example, changes in the sun’s brightness were the primary cause of global warming, which instead would lead to warming throughout the atmosphere.

Beneath the surface

Warming stripes for different depth levels in the ocean reveal a broadly similar warming trend as at the surface, with the warmest years occurring over the past decade. The timing of the warming also suggests the heat moves downwards into the ocean from the surface, again consistent with a human influence.

This uptake of heat by the ocean is important, as otherwise there would be a much greater rise in surface air temperature. Globally, the ocean accounts for around 90% of the extra heat stored by the planet. We also see sea levels rising due to sea water getting warmer and expanding, and because land ice is melting and entering the ocean as extra water.

All these observations tell a very clear story. The burning of fossil fuels increases the amount of greenhouse gases in the atmosphere. The physics of why such an increase should warm the surface was understood in the 1850s, before the warming was observed. And the pattern of change observed from the top of the atmosphere to the bottom of the ocean indicates that greenhouse gas emissions are the dominant cause.

Past and future ‘warning’ stripes showing changes in global temperature for two different choices for the future. Ed Hawkins / University of Reading, CC BY

But, what happens next? Because our emissions are causing the climate to change, our collective global choices about future emissions matter.

Rapid action to reduce emissions will stabilise global surface temperatures but delayed action means worse consequences. Which choice will we make?

Ed Hawkins receives funding from UKRI NERC grants and is supported by the National Centre for Atmospheric Science.

Ric Williams receives funding from UKRI NERC grants and works at University of Liverpool.

How giant ‘Blobs’ of rock have influenced Earth’s magnetic field for millions of years – new research

2026-02-03T17:31:58Z

Kyrylo Glivin/Shutterstock

While we have sent probes billions of kilometres into interstellar space, humans have barely scratched the surface of our own planet, not even making it through the thin crust.

Information about Earth’s deep interior comes mainly from geophysics and is at a premium. We know it consists of a solid crust, a rocky mantle, a liquid outer core and solid inner core. But what precisely goes on in each layer – and between them – is a mystery. Now our research uses our planet’s magnetism to cast light on the most significant interface in the Earth’s interior: its core-mantle boundary.

Roughly 3,000km beneath our feet, Earth’s outer core, an unfathomably deep ocean of molten iron alloy, endlessly churns to produce a global magnetic field stretching out far into space. Sustaining this “geodynamo”, and the planetary force-field it has produced for the past several billions of years (protecting Earth from harmful radiation), takes a lot of energy.

This was delivered to the core as heat during the Earth’s formation. But it is only released to drive the geodynamo as it conducts outwards to cooler, solid rock floating above in the mantle. Without this massive internal heat transfer from core to mantle and ultimately through the crust to the surface, Earth would be like our nearest neighbours Mars and Venus: magnetically dead.

Enter the Blobs

Maps showing how fast seismic waves (vibrations of acoustic energy) that traverse Earth’s rocky mantle change in its lowermost part, just above the core. Especially notable are two vast regions close to the equator beneath Africa and the Pacific Ocean, where seismic waves travel more slowly than elsewhere.

What makes these “big lower-mantle basal structures”, or “Blobs” for short, special is not clear. They are made of solid rock similar to the surrounding mantle, but may be higher in temperature, or different in composition, or both.

Strong variations in temperature at the base of the mantle would be expected to affect the underlying liquid core and the magnetic field that is generated there. The solid mantle changes temperature and flows at an exceptionally slow rate (millimetres per year), so any magnetic signature from strong temperature contrasts should persist for millions of years.

From rocks to supercomputers

Our study reports new evidence that these Blobs are hotter than the surrounding lower mantle. And this has had a noticeable effect on Earth’s magnetic field over the last few hundreds of millions of years at least.

As igneous rocks, recently solidified from molten magma, cool down at Earth’s surface in the presence of its magnetic field, they acquire a permanent magnetism that is aligned with the direction of this field at that time and place.

It is already well known that this direction changes with latitude. We observed, however, that the magnetic directions recorded by rocks up to 250 million years old also seemed to depend on where the rocks had formed in longitude. The effect was particularly noticeable at low latitudes . We therefore wondered whether the Blobs might be responsible.

Simulated maps of Earth’s magnetic field (left) can only be made to look like those of the real field (right) if Earth’s core is assumed to have hot Blobs of rock sitting directly on top of it. Andy Biggin, CC BY-SA

The clincher came from comparing these magnetic observations to simulations of the geodynamo run on a supercomputer. One set was run assuming that the rate of heat flowing from core to mantle was the same everywhere. These either showed very little tendency for the magnetic field to vary in longitude or else the field they produced collapsed into a persistently chaotic state, which is also inconsistent with observations.

By contrast, when we placed a pattern on the core’s surface that included strong variations in the amount of heat being sucked into the mantle, the magnetic fields behaved differently. Most tellingly, assuming that the rate of heat flowing into the Blobs was about half as high as into other, cooler, parts of the mantle meant that the magnetic fields produced by the simulations contained longitudinal structures reminiscent of the records from ancient rocks.

A further finding was that these fields were less prone to collapsing. Adding the Blobs therefore enabled us to reproduce the observed stable behaviour of Earth’s magnetic field over a wider range.

What seems to be happening is that the two hot Blobs are insulating the liquid metal beneath them, preventing heat loss that would otherwise cause the fluid to thermally contract and sink down into the core. Since it is the flow of core fluid that generates more magnetic field, these stagnant ponds of metal do not participate in the geodynamo process.

Furthermore, in the same way that a mobile phone can lose its signal by being placed within a metal box, these stationary areas of conductive liquid act to “screen” the magnetic field generated by the circulating liquid below. The huge Blobs therefore gave rise to characteristic longitudinally varying patterns in the shape and variability of Earth’s magnetic field. And this mapped on to what was recorded by rocks formed at low latitudes.

Most of the time, the shape of Earth’s magnetic field is quite similar to that which would be produced by a bar magnet aligned with the planet’s rotation axis. This is what makes a magnetic compass point nearly north at most places on Earth’s surface, most of the time.

Collapses into weak, multipolar states, have occurred many time over geological history but they are quite rare and the field seems to have recovered fairly quickly afterwards. In the simulations at least, Blobs seem to help make this the case.

So, while we still have a lot to learn about what the Blobs are and how they originated, it may be that in helping to keep the magnetic field stable and useful for humanity, we have much to thank them for.

Andrew Biggin receives funding from the Natural Environment Research Council.

How to keep plant-based foods on the table now that Veganuary is over

2026-02-03T17:31:57Z

monticello/Shutterstock

Campaigns like Veganuary (an initiative that encourages people to eat a plant-based diet in January) have been hugely successful in raising awareness about the climate and the health benefits of eating this way. However, making the switch longer term is not always easy – especially when there are usually limited meat-free options in workplaces.

For our recent study, my colleagues and I worked with Derek Bell (professor of environmental politics at Newcastle University) to identify public institutions like hospitals, universities and local councils as key players in the move towards a more sustainable food system. They account for a significant amount of the food that is sold in the UK – 5-6% of all food sales or £2.4 billion annually. They can also influence our dietary choices and help shift social norms around food consumption.

However, getting caterers to become more plant-based can be controversial. Some argue that public institutions should not limit our freedom of choice when it comes to what we eat, or that it is insensitive to the cultural preferences of staff and clients.

Our work tries to tackle these concerns. While eliminating or reducing the offering of meat and dairy might limit options, public institutions already limit our choices in various ways to promote health and sustainability. Also, norms and expectations can change. The 2006 public smoking ban initially faced considerable resistance, but support for it has since greatly increased, including among smokers.

Thoughtful catering

When introduced thoughtfully, plant-based catering has proved popular. In 2021, New York City Health + Hospitals, the largest municipal health system in the US, made plant-based food the default option for its inpatient meals. Their menus are both nutritionally balanced – assuaging worries about poorly designed vegan and vegetarian menus – and offer users a diverse range of choices. The menu includes Moroccan vegetable tagine, Spanish vegetable paella and a pad Thai noodle bowl.

This shows how plant-based catering can take into account different dietary needs, while respecting a range of cultural backgrounds and not restricting the ability of people to choose. As many as 95% of eligible patients did not request alternative meals, and 90% reported being satisfied. Many patients reported that they would continue to eat vegetarian meals at home. This shows the power of defaults, and the influence public institutions can have on our actions.

Thoughtful catering takes into account a variety of dietary needs without restricting peoples’ choices. PeopleImages/Shutterstock

New York City Health + Hospitals has also shown tangible environmental and economic gains. Its food-related carbon emissions fell by 36%, while food bills also went down: these meals cost roughly 59 cents (£0.43) less per tray than meat-based alternatives.

We’re seeing changes happening elsewhere too. In the UK, a growing number of universities are gradually shifting towards more plant-based catering. Sometimes this is being encouraged by students: at the universities of Kent, Lancaster and University College London, student unions have voted in favour of lobbying their university to adopt more sustainable and healthy catering options. In 2021, the four universities in Berlin successfully changed their menus to 68% vegan, 28% vegetarian and just 4% meat dishes. Like the New York City hospitals, they offer a wide range of nutritionally balanced meals with flavours from around the world.

Providing the right kinds of plant-based foods is an effective way of countering worries that people have about the health risks of going vegetarian or vegan, and about restricting their dietary preferences. In short, a well planned menu can keep plant-based foods on the table beyond Veganuary.

Meera Iona Inglis is affiliated with the RSPB. This piece is based entirely on her academic research and is not funded by the RSPB or representative of the organisation's views.

Andrew Walton and Johannes Kniess do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

Trump wants Ukraine to give up the Donbas in return for security guarantees. It could be fatal for Kyiv

2026-02-03T17:31:55Z

There is a major sticking point often overlooked in the ceasefire negotiations between Ukraine and Russia currently being held in Abu Dhabi. This relates to the fact that, as part of any agreement, Kyiv is being asked to give up the entire Donbas region in eastern Ukraine.

If it does so, it will also be giving up the strategic positions that have prevented major advances by the Russian military for many months now. This is the significant line of defensive fortifications across the Donbas, known as the “Donbas line”. It’s Ukraine’s equivalent to the Maginot line of forts which were France’s main line of defence against Germany before the second world war.

The “Anchorage formula” agreed by the US president, Donald Trump, and Russia president, Vladimir Putin, in Alaska late last year calls for Ukrainian forces to abandon the areas of western Donbas they currently hold. Washington is now talking up the idea of establishing a “free economic zone” or “de-militarised zone” which would cover the whole of the Donbas, including those portions currently occupied by Russian forces.

This would mean Ukraine abandoning the Donbas line. The system integrates at least seven distinct defensive layers that any attacking force must penetrate sequentially to achieve effect.

These include minefields, anti-tank ditches, anti-tank obstacles (“dragons’ teeth”), bunkers, trench lines and anti-drone defences. Such obstacles can either physically halt assaulting Russian forces or “canalise” them into swampy or otherwise impassible ground or into pre-arranged kill zones, wherein fires (mortar and artillery) can be used to destroy Russian formations.

One of the most critical lines runs through the embattled town of Pokrovsk, which has been under constant Russian assault since early 2025. Lose Pokrovsk and the Ukrainians will then more than likely also lose the important city of Donetsk. Thus Pokrovsk has been referred to as the “gateway to Donetsk”.

The Donbas line took years to build and to perfect. It is very sophisticated. It would be a massive strategic blow for the Ukrainians if they were forced to give it up and pull back.

In essence, the Russian demand that Ukrainian forces vacate the western Donbas can also be seen as a demand that they likewise give up, in the shape of this Donbas line, their one true means of protecting not only the western Donbas but also, arguably, the whole of the rest of Ukraine.

Who can be trusted?

If Kyiv were to accede to Russian demands and abandon the Donbas line, then this would only help bring about a lasting peace if, of course, trust could be placed in the Russians to keep their side of the bargain. They would need to cease all their assaults across Ukraine and themselves “de-militarise” the area of the eastern Donbas they currently control.

But Putin has a history of reneging on deals. Anything agreed now by Kyiv in Abu Dhabi is likely, as respected Washington-based thinktank the Institute for the Study of War points out, to suffer the same fate. This seems to certainly be the view of many on the Ukrainian side.

As Ukraine’s president, Volodymyr Zelenskyy, himself recently put it, “I don’t trust Putin”. He has good reason for doubting the Russian president’s bona fides. Russia was a signatory to the 1994 Budapest Memorandum alongside the US, UK and France by which those powers provided assurances for Ukraine’s sovereignty and territorial integrity in exchange for Kyiv giving up its arsenal of nuclear weapons.

This didn’t stop Russia invading. Nor did the two Minsk accords in 2014 and 2015 which aimed to stop the fighting between Russian-backed separatists and the Ukrainian military in the Donbas region.

In the event of any peace deal being struck between Moscow and Kyiv, Ukraine’s western allies have offered what they are calling “robust security guarantees”. These would be provided by a “coalition of the willing” made up of more than 30 countries, mainly from within Europe.

What’s on the table

In terms of what these promises might actually mean, there is a proposal for a three-tier mechanism. A Russian breach of the ceasefire would initially trigger a diplomatic warning, as well as allowing Ukraine to respond militarily.

The second tier would be provided by the coalition of the willing, primarily the UK and France, which plan to send troops to Ukraine as part of the deal, but also many EU members plus Norway, Iceland and Turkey.

The third tier would be a military response from the US. But it’s been reported that the US has made its participation in any security guarantees contingent on the agreement of a ceasefire deal which gives Russia control of the “entire Donbas region in eastern Ukraine”.

A further issue here is that Moscow is unlikely to agree to the presence of any Nato troops as official security guarantors. Moscow has said as much, insisting that any foreign troops in Ukraine would be a “legitimate target”.

Would western governments forces really commit their troops into a situation where they might become targets – leading perhaps to a wider war?

The whole idea of Ukraine abandoning its Donbas line is fraught with difficulties. For this is not just a question of Ukraine trading land for peace. It is more fundamentally a question of trading land and significant defensive lines for the promise of peace.

The original version of the Maginot line did not save France in 1940. It was bypassed by German forces moving through Belgium to outflank the Maginot fortifications. The danger for Ukraine is that its own Maginot line could itself be bypassed if it accedes to Russian demands at the negotiating table in Abu Dhabi.

Can Zelensky really give up the Donbas line that is protecting his entire country and can he really rely on security guarantees from western states that may yet prove equivocal? As one Ukrainian official told Reuters recently, to give up remaining positions in the Donbas region would be “suicide”.

The fall of Peter Mandelson and the many questions the UK government must now answer

2026-02-03T17:31:52Z

Peter Mandelson and Keir Starmer pictured in February 2025. Flickr/Number 10, CC BY-NC-ND

No accident waiting to happen can ever have delivered on its promise so spectacularly as Lord Mandelson, with the continuous revelations of his ties to convicted sex offender Jeffrey Epstein. The decision by the UK prime minister, Keir Starmer, to appoint Mandelson as ambassador in Washington DC always appeared a high-risk, high-reward strategy. But no reward could ever have repaid such risk.

There is a grim fascination in seeing a prominent public figure’s reputation incinerated in real time. Mandelson’s entreating emails to a convicted abuser and trafficker of minors were still quite recently sufficient of an embarrassment before he was then photographed urinating in public.

The new normal is to appear on front pages in his underpants. Next will come questions about the meaning of emails that appear to show him betraying the most cardinal principles of public office, for monetary gain, from a criminal.

Mandelson had clearly started 2026 with the intention of rehabilitating himself and re-entering public life: a Sunday morning BBC interview, columns in the Spectator, an interview in the Times. Journalists’ requests for comment were replied to. No longer.

What was striking across these appearances – given Mandelson’s talents – was his maladroitness. Not to have apologised to the victims of trafficking when pressed in that initial high-profile interview, only to realise his error and concede the following day did not bear the hallmark of a master of public relations.

The rehabilitation plan, moreover, evidently did not include a strategy for the documents that were to be released as part of another huge cache of material relating to Epstein.

There is now the suggestion that Mandelson may have forwarded government-sensitive information to a foreign banker while he was, effectively, the deputy prime minister and that he encouraged that banker to intimidate his colleague, the chancellor of the exchequer, Alistair Darling. The banker allegedly did “mildly threaten” Darling. Darling knew someone was leaking, but, having died in 2023, never knew who. Now we have an idea.

To separate the procedural from the human, for now, the issue that leaves the current government most exposed is Starmer’s personal choice of Mandelson as US ambassador. One of two things must have happened: a catastrophic failure in vetting and in due diligence, or the government ignoring red lights from vetting and due diligence.

This is also an origin story scandal for the Labour party, in which Mandelson has deep roots. It has always lived in fear of its leaders succumbing to the charms of plutocrats. It happened in 1931, in the “great betrayal”, when Labour leader Ramsey McDonald formed a government with the Tories and Liberals to resolve a financial crisis – one reason the saintly Clement Attlee nationalised the Bank of England in 1946. Attlee’s deputy leader was Herbert Morrison, Mandelson’s grandfather.

This matters more now because Mandelson’s influence in the party meant that he has acted as a mentor to so many – not least the prime minister’s chief of staff, Morgan McSweeney, the man arguably more responsible for this government than Starmer himself, and the person said to have pushed for Mandelson to be given the ambassadorship. The fissures of the Blairites and the soft left are reopening.

Removing Mandelson

There will be those who take pleasure from so public a defenestration of so polarising a figure. Two such will be the Reform and Green party candidates in the Gorton and Denton byelection.

A room of scriptwriters could not have devised a situation calculated to land more effectively for a canvasser from an insurgent party to stand on a doorstep and asks a voter how satisfied they are with the way the country’s run, and in the qualities of their leaders.

Even before the revelations about his friendship with a billionaire paedophile, Mandelson was the personification of the increasingly maligned and resented globalist, lanyard-wearing, chauffeured classes. The online conspiracist hares that have already been sent running are unnecessary: this scandal is in no need of embellishment.

Some always knew. Mandelson masterminded Labour’s electoral approach for a decade, but when he succeeded Neil Kinnock as leader in 1992, John Smith would have nothing to do with him. Smith died suddenly, and Tony Blair’s sudden ascent was facilitated by Mandelson, to the undying enmity of Gordon Brown.

Brown appointed Mandelson his first secretary of state, but from a position of weakness. He is now making his fury known. The current prime minister appointed Mandelson his ambassador to the UK’s closest and most important ally, but from a position of weakness. Brown, at least, can vent his fury – he no longer has office to lose.

Mandelson with the US president, Donald Trump, in the Oval Office in June 2025. Flickr/UKinUSA, CC BY-SA

In the space of a few hours, Mandelson’s future shifted from the certainty of ignominy to the possibility of prison. We are already beyond historical parallel. For 60 years, John Profumo has been the yardstick for political scandal in the UK (and another where the exploitation of women was lost in a voyeuristic melee). We have a new one.

In other political cultures, Mandelson would by now have been airlifted to a safehouse outside Moscow or Riyadh, given sanctuary, never to be seen or heard of again. But the prime minister will be seeing and hearing of Mandelson for some time to come.

When it comes to making appointments – a prime minister’s elemental power – Starmer has frequently made the wrong choices, through innate caution and timidity, to the detriment of his government. It is the one exception to this cautious approach that may prove to be the most consequential of all.

Martin Farr does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

Is it illegal to make online videos of someone without their consent? The law on covert filming

2026-02-03T17:31:50Z

Could those glasses be recording you? Lucky Business/Shutterstock

Imagine a stranger starts chatting with you on a train platform or in a shop. The exchange feels ordinary. Later, it appears online, edited as “dating advice” and framed to invite sexualised commentary. Your face, and an interaction you didn’t know was being recorded, is pushed into feeds where strangers can identify, contact and harass you.

This is a reality for many people, though the most shocking examples are mainly affecting women. A BBC investigation recently found that men based outside of the UK have been profiting from covertly filming women on nights out in London and Manchester and posting the videos on social media.

In the UK, filming someone in public – even covertly – is not automatically unlawful. Sometimes, it is socially valuable (think of people recording violence or police misconduct).

But once a person is identifiable and the clip is uploaded for views or profit, it can become unlawful under data protection law and, in more intrusive cases, privacy or harassment law. The problem here is what the filming is for, how it is done and what the platforms do with it.

UK law is cautious about a general claim to “privacy in public”. There is a key distinction in case law between being seen in a public place and being recorded for redistribution.

Courts have accepted that privacy can apply even in public, depending on circumstances. In the case of Campbell v MGN (2004), the House of Lords ruled that the Daily Mirror had breached model Naomi Campbell’s privacy by publishing photos that, while taken in public, exposed her private medical information.

The rise of smartphones and now wearable cameras has made covert capture cheaper, more discreet and more accessible. With smart glasses, recording can look like eye contact.

Capture is frictionless: the file is ready to upload before the person filmed even knows it exists. And manufacturer safeguards such as recording lights are already reportedly being bypassed by users.

Once it’s been uploaded, modern social media platforms allow this content to become easily scalable, searchable and profitable.

Context is what shifts the stakes. Covert filming, an intrusive focus on the body and publication at scale can turn an everyday moment into exposure that invites harassment.

Privacy in public

Public life has always involved being seen. The harm is being made findable and targetable, at scale. This is why the most practical legal tool is data protection. Under the UK General Data Protection Regulation (GDPR), when people are identifiable in a video, recording and uploading it is considered processing of personal data.

The uploader and platform must therefore comply with GDPR rules, which in this case would (usually) mean not posting identifiable footage of a stranger in the first place or, removing the details that identify them and taking the clip down quickly if the person objects.

UK GDPR does not apply to purely personal or household activity, with no professional or commercial connection. This is a narrow exemption – “pickup artist” channels and monetised social media posts are unlikely to fall within it.

Harassment law may apply where the filming and posting is followed by repeated contact, threats or encouraging others to target the person filmed, which causes them alarm or distress.

Lagging enforcement

Harm spreads faster than the law can respond. A clip can be uploaded, shared and monetised within seconds. Enforcement of privacy and data protection law is split between the Information Commissioner’s Office, Ofcom, police and courts.

Victims are left to rely on platform reporting tools, and duplicates often continue to spread even after posts are taken down. Arguably, prevention would be more effective than after-the-fact removal.

The temptation is to call for a new offence of “filming in public”. In my view, this risks being either too broad (chilling legitimate recording) or too narrow (missing the combination of factors – covert filming, identifiability, platform amplification and monetisation that make this a problem).

A better approach would be twofold. First, treating wearable recording devices as higher-risk consumer tech, and requiring safeguards that work in practice. For example: conspicuous, genuinely tamper-resistant recording indicators; privacy-by-default settings; and audit logs so misuse is traceable. The law could build in clear public-interest exemptions (journalism, documenting wrongdoing) so rules do not become a backdoor ban on recording.

There are precedents for regulating consumer tech in this way. For example, the UK has strict security requirements for connectable devices like smart TVs to prevent cyberattacks.

Wearable cameras and AI-enabled tech is making covert filming easier than ever. Kaspars Grinvalds/Shutterstock

Second, platforms need a clear requirement to reduce the harm caused by covert filming. In practice, that means spotting and obscuring identifiers such as phone numbers and workplace details, warning users when a stranger is identifiable, fast-tracking complaints from the person filmed, blocking re-uploads, and removing monetisation from this content.

The Online Safety Act provides a framework for addressing this problem, but it is not a neat checklist for prevention. Where it clearly applies is when the content itself, or the response it triggers, amounts to illegal harassment or stalking. Those are priority offences in the act, so platforms are expected to assess and mitigate those risks.

The awkward truth is that some covert, degrading clips may be harmful without being obviously illegal at the point of upload, until threats, doxxing or stalking follow.

Privacy in public will not be protected by slogans or a tiny recording light. It will be protected when existing legal principles are applied robustly. And when enforcement is designed for the speed, incentives and business models that shape what people see and share online.

Subhajit Basu does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

The rise and fall (and rise again) of gold prices – what’s going on?

2026-02-03T17:31:48Z

i viewfinder/Shutterstock

In late January, the gold price reached an all-time peak of around US$5,500 (£4,025). January 30 saw one of the largest one-day falls in prices, which sank by nearly 10% after hitting a record high only the day before.

This was a dramatic about-turn, from a bullish gold market that rose by more than 300% in the last decade, over 150% in the last five years and (perhaps more pertinently) by 75% since US president Donald Trump’s “liberation day” tariffs announcement. To make sense of it, we need to understand some of the factors that led to the rise.

The reasons broadly break down into two categories. The first concerns market uncertainty and gold in its “safe haven” role. As a financial asset, gold offers no income, unlike shares (which might provide dividends) or bonds (which offer coupon payments). So during good times, gold is eschewed for the former and during periods of high interest rates for the latter.

However, during periods of heightened risk and uncertainty, the tangibility of gold gives it value. This was seen during the financial (and subsequent sovereign debt) crisis and at the beginning of the COVID period. Here both share prices and interest rates were low (interest rates historically so) and gold became the favoured asset because it offered the chance of greater returns relative to risk.

These crisis periods can often be geopolitical in nature, and that is the case now with the war in Ukraine following the Russian invasion, as well as ongoing tensions in the Middle East.

But at the moment, what is providing a further boost to the gold price is the uncertainty created by Trump’s tariffs. This is not only about international trade and growth but also its implications for the global financial system. The US dollar is used as a vehicle currency and means of payment for international trade and the currency in which commodities are priced.

The use of tariffs in this way undermines confidence in the dollar, especially where tariffs are threatened as a punishment – as Trump recently did against European countries for opposing his desire to annex Greenland.

Trump threatened increased tariffs over his designs on Greenland. Stig Alenas/Shutterstock

And further buoyed by the weak US dollar, which has fallen by 10% in the last year, there has been significant gold-buying, including by central banks as part of their reserves.

As an important aside, while a lot has been said about central banks replacing the US dollar as a reserve currency, overseas holdings of treasuries (US government bonds) are at a record high, countering that view.

The level of debt that countries are building up shows no sign of abating. For example, Trump’s One Big Beautiful Bill Act, which outlines tax cuts and increases to border security and defence spending among many other budget measures, is expected to add several trillion dollars to US debt.

The second reason for the long-term increase in the gold price is its greater use in investor portfolios for speculative purposes. The “safe-haven” role of gold implies a negative correlation between stocks and gold. That is to say, when one rises the other falls – and vice versa.

However, with the S&P500 (the index tracking the top 500 companies listed in the US) also reaching record highs, stocks and gold have instead been moving in the same direction. This indicates that investors are buying both asset types.

A major component in the growth of gold as an investment asset (as opposed to only a safe haven) is the rise of gold ETFs (exchange-traded funds) that make it easier for non-professional investors to purchase gold.

So why the fall?

Rather than a single event, there has been an accumulation of small changes, combined with the usual sways in investor sentiment. Geopolitical risk remains high, both in Ukraine and the Middle East (while the situation in Israel and Gaza is calmer, that is not the case with Iran). But there are some positive signs.

Trump’s on-off use of tariffs as a means of political negotiation (this time regarding Greenland) also contributed to a rise and fall in the gold price. And the nomination of Kevin Warsh as the new governor of the US Federal Reserve is expected to lessen economic risk.

While Warsh generally supports Trump’s preference for lower interest rates now (although investors are expressing concerns that this could fuel inflation), Warsh also has an equal desire to reduce the size of the Fed’s balance sheet. So it would be unlikely to be an unreserved loosening of monetary policy.

But there is also the investor side. Profit is only realised when the asset is sold. Part of what we have seen is investors selling gold in a high (arguably over-priced) market to make a profit. The price fall associated with these trades then arguably led to further selling.

This included stop-loss trading (when assets are automatically sold when they dip below a certain price) and sales by the likes of hedge funds and other institutional traders. These investors need to unwind positions to prevent major losses.

After the huge fall on January 30, gold prices surged back a couple of days later in the biggest one-day rise since 2008.

There are always corrections, and in fact current movements are likely to be over-corrections. But it’s safe to assume that after this, the market will stabilise and most likely resume an upward trajectory albeit at a slower pace than immediately before the fall.

David McMillan does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

The Playboy of the Western World: National Theatre staging ensures Irish play remains essential viewing

2026-02-03T17:31:46Z

A revival of a beloved and notorious Irish play from 1907, Catriona McLaughlin’s production of The Playboy of the Western World treats J.M Synge’s play as a work with urgent contemporary force, creating a story with resonance in 2026.

Reuniting Derry Girls Nicola Coughlan and Siobhan McSweeney at the National Theatre, the play is set in a shebeen (an illicit drinking den) in western Mayo. The plot centres on Pegeen (Coughlan), whose life is jolted by the arrival of Christy Mahon (Éanna Hardwicke).

On the run and boasting that he has murdered his father, Christy becomes an instant local hero. His violent, wild tale of defying his father’s supposed tyranny captivates a community in need of a hero. Christy’s notoriety is quickly complicated by the arrival of his very-much-alive father (Declan Conlon) in act two, collapsing the young man’s carefully constructed myth.

First staged in 1907 in Dublin’s Abbey Theatre, The Playboy of The Western World famously enraged audiences who booed and rioted. At this time, Ireland was moving towards independence and national pride was growing. Irish audiences expected homegrown theatre to showcase a serious, disciplined national character.

Synge’s play, depicting a foolish man whose boasts of patricide are hailed as heroic by a drunken, sexually available community was deemed morally offensive, a direct affront to Ireland itself.

In the intervening century, the play has become recognised as a masterpiece of Irish literature. Synge’s biting dark humour and ear for richly authentic dialogue has endured, with the play now recognised as a classic of modernist drama.

Humour, cruelty and urgency

Told in Hiberno-English (the Irish version of English, influenced by Gaelic) dialogue, The Playboy of The Western World depicts rural life as complex and brutal. Almost 120 years later on a London stage, it rejects a nostalgic view of rural Ireland in a bygone era. These characters are human and imperfect, and just as susceptible to a tall tale as anyone in 2026.

Director Catriona McLaughlin has assembled a cast of familiar Irish names. Nicola Coughlan sparkles as Pegeen. Her sharp tongue and fortitude in a shebeen full of men is edged with frustration and a deep yearning for something exciting to happen.

Éanna Hardwicke’s Christy Mahon begins tightly wound, loosening as he basks in female adoration. His performance is infused with a coiled, elastic physicality giving Christy an electric intensity; Hardwicke dares the audience to fall in love with him, too.

Siobhan McSweeney, characteristically sharp and wickedly funny, is unmissable as the Widow Quin. Providing welcome comic relief are Marty Rea as a slyly humourous Shawn Keogh, and Lorcan Cranitch’s uproariously funny and drunken Michael James.

McLaughlin frames the Irish western coast as haunted and mysterious, reinforced by Katie Davenport’s straw mumming costumes (see image below) worn by musicians and extras, and the recurring use of the caoineadh or “keening” – mourning in song.

These design choices create an atmosphere which feels suspended rather than anchored to a particular period. The timelessness sharpens the impact of Christy’s unmasking: the community’s sudden turn against him when they witness a violent act mirrors a familiar real-world pattern. Violence absorbed as story, gossip or spectacle becomes intolerable once its physical reality intrudes.

The crowd’s horror is not prompted by the act itself, but by its visibility. In this way, the production speaks directly to contemporary audiences accustomed to consuming violence at a distance, yet quick to condemn when confronted with its immediate consequences.

Some critics have reported difficulty following Synge’s language, revealing how strongly expectations of “standard” English shape reception. Such dismissals reveal not a failure of intelligibility in the play, but a critical resistance to engaging with Hiberno-English on its own terms.

This requires attention to rhythm, tone and repetition, and dismissing it as unintelligible echoes the play’s broader concern with how stories are received and misread.

Dynamic and intellectually alert, McLaughlin’s production refuses to treat The Playboy of the Western World as a museum piece. It trusts both Synge’s language and its audience, allowing the play’s humour, cruelty and urgency to land without apology. So much more than a revival, this staging reasserts the work’s enduring relevance and makes a compelling case for why it remains essential viewing.

The Playboy of the Western World is at the National Theatre, London, till February 28

Laura O'Flanagan does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

A brief history of table tennis in film – from Forrest Gump to Marty Supreme

2026-02-03T17:31:43Z

Table tennis and film have a surprisingly entangled history. Both depended on the invention of celluloid – which not only became the substrate of film, but is also used to make ping pong balls.

Following a brief ping pong craze in 1902, the game largely disappeared and was widely assumed to have been a passing fad. More than 20 years later, however, the British socialite, communist spy and filmmaker Ivor Montagu went to great lengths to establish the game as a sport – a story I explore in my current book project on ping pong and the moving image.

He founded the International Table Tennis Federation (ITTF) and codified the rules of the game in both a book and a corresponding short film, Table Tennis Today (1929).

Montagu presided over the ITTF for several decades. In 1925, the same year he founded the ITTF, Montagu also co-founded the London Film Society. The society helped introduce western audiences to experimental and art films that are now considered classics.

The game of table tennis has subsequently appeared at a number of moments when filmmakers and artists were experimenting with new technologies. An early example appears in one of the first works of “visual music”: Rhythm in Light (1934) by Mary Ellen Bute.

Table Tennis Today (Ivor Montagu, 1929)

Meanwhile, an early work of expanded cinema, Ping Pong (1968) by the artist Valie Export, invited audiences to pick up a paddle and ball and attempt to strike a physical ball against the representation of one moving on the cinema screen. Atari’s adaptation of the game into the interactive Pong (1972) is often considered the first video game.

Perhaps the most familiar cinematic example of all, however, is the digital simulation of a photorealistic ping pong ball – made possible by a then-new regime of computer-generated imagery. It helped Tom Hanks appear to be a ping pong whiz in the Academy-Award-winning Forrest Gump (1994).

The ping pong scene in Forest Gump.

There are a number of other fascinating moments in which the game surfaces meaningfully: in Powell and Pressburger’s A Matter of Life and Death (1946), Jacques Tati’s M Hulot’s Holiday (1953), Michael Haneke’s 71 Fragments of a Chronology of Chance (1994), and Agnes Varda and JR’s Faces Places (2017).

And every day for more than two years, from 2020 to 2022, one of the world’s most beloved filmmakers, David Lynch, uploaded YouTube videos in which he pulled a numbered ping pong ball from a jar and declared it “today’s number”. It was a fittingly Dada-esque gesture that stands among the last mysterious works he shared with the world.

Enter Josh Safdie’s Marty Supreme. The title sequence alone discovers a new way of visualising the game’s iconography, as we see a sperm fertilise an egg, which then transforms into a ping pong ball (the digital effects first witnessed in Gump are now fully integrated into popular cinema).

Why Marty Supreme is different

Marty Supreme is very loosely based on the real-life player Marty Reisman (here Marty Mauser, played by Timothée Chalamet). What sets it apart from earlier cinematic appearances of table tennis is that it centres the game as a sport.

When table tennis has previously appeared in film, it is usually to help show off new special effects or as a brief plot device. Or it frequently appears in the background, helping to furnish the mise-en-scene of an office, basement, or bar. In these instances, we might not notice the game or its materials at all. When it does have a narrative function, it usually occupies a single scene, frequently serving to stage or resolve fraught interpersonal relations between the characters who are playing.

In Marty Supreme, however, table tennis seems neither tethered to special effects nor, certainly, to the game’s “background” status. Chalamet trained extensively over the seven years he spent preparing for the role, even taking his own table to the desert while filming Dune (2021). And despite the film’s sometimes compelling eccentricities, Marty Supreme in many senses follows the generic blueprint of a sports film.

The trailer for Marty Supreme.

Safdie has made a sports film, coincidentally or not, like his frequent collaborator and brother Benny Safdie, whose wrestling film The Smashing Machine was also released this past year. Marty Supreme, though, revolves around an athlete who plays a game that generally has been assumed to not have enough gravitas to command a place in the genre or to hold an audience’s interest.

The absence of sports films about ping pong certainly speaks to ways in which it is perceived as something not worth taking too seriously, for reasons that are surely at least partially linked to the same reasons for which the game is often celebrated. It is perceived to be what I refer to as an “equalising” sport, open to people and bodies of all backgrounds and types.

As actor Susan Sarandon, who founded her own chain of ping pong bars, puts it: “Ping pong cuts across all body types and gender – everything, really – because little girls can beat big muscley guys. You don’t get hurt; it is not expensive; it is really good for your mind. It is one of the few sports that you can play until you die.”

This perception of the game has perhaps also led it to appear in more comedic contexts, with athletes embodied by actors we might more readily laugh at, as source material for visual and sonic gags, from a slapstick scene in You Can’t Cheat an Honest Man (1939) to the widely panned Balls of Fury (2007).

The tension between the game’s perceived triviality and Mauser’s extreme dedication lends Marty Supreme a vast blank canvas – or ping pong table – onto which its oscillations can be painted, or played… and in turn felt by the audience, with its high highs and low lows.

While it’s great that a talented director has poured his heart into a cinematic treatment of Reisman for the screen, I’m holding out hope for an Ivor Montagu film, which could be even more beholden to its real-life character – and even more wild.

Jeff Scheible does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

Why the idea of an ‘ideal worker’ can be so harmful for people with mental health conditions

2026-02-03T17:31:41Z

PeopleImages/Shutterstock

In the modern world of work, the “ideal worker” is a dominant yet dangerous concept that can dictate workplace norms and expectations. This archetype describes an employee who is boundlessly productive, constantly available and emotionally stable at all times.

What makes this trope so flawed is that it assumes workers have no caring responsibilities outside work, or have unrealistic physical and psychological capabilities. It’s intended to drive efficiency, but in fact it is a standard that very few people can reach. It marginalises people who deviate from these rigid standards, including workers managing mental health conditions.

We are researchers in management and health, and our recent paper found that this “ideal worker” is a means of creating stigma. This stigma is embedded in processes and policies, creating a yardstick against which all employees are measured.

The study is based on in-depth interviews with a diverse group of employees with mental health conditions (including depression, bipolar disorder, anxiety and OCD). They worked across the private, public and third sectors in various jobs, including accounting, engineering, teaching and senior management.

For workers with mental health conditions, the expectation of emotional steadiness creates a conflict with the often fluctuating nature of their conditions.

When organisations are seen to value the ideal worker archetype, they can end up creating barriers to meaningful inclusion. In our paper we understand these as both “barriers to doing” and “barriers to being”.

What this means is that workplaces end up with rigid workloads and inflexible expectations (“barriers to doing”). As such, they fail to accommodate people with invisible or fluctuating symptoms. They can also undermine a worker’s identity and self-worth (“barriers to being”), framing them as unreliable or incompetent simply because they do not meet the standards of the ideal worker.

Because employees with mental health conditions often fear being perceived as weak, a burden or fragile, they frequently work excessively hard to prove their value. This means that these employees might compromise their resting and unwinding time in order to live up to workplace expectations.

But of course, these efforts create strain at the personal level. These workers can end up putting themselves at greater risk of relapse or ill health. Our research found that overworking to mask mental health symptoms (working unpaid hours to make up for times when they are unwell, for example) can suggest an organisational culture that may not be inclusive enough.

What’s really happening

HR practices may assume that mental health conditions should be managed by employees alone, rather than with support from the organisation. At the same time, this constant pressure to over-perform can exacerbate mental health conditions, leading to a vicious cycle of stress, exhaustion and even more stigma.

The ideal worker norm forces many employees into keeping their mental health conditions to themselves. They may see hiding their struggles as a tactical way of protecting their professional identity.

In an environment that rewards constant productivity, disclosing a condition that might require reasonable adjustments could be seen as a professional risk. In other words, stigma may compromise career chances.

Participants in our research reported lying on health questionnaires or hiding symptoms because the climate in their workplace signalled that mental health conditions were poorly understood. But this secrecy creates a massive emotional burden, as workers felt pressure to constantly monitor their health, mask their condition and schedule medical appointments in secret.

Paradoxically, while this approach allows people to remain employed, it reinforces the structures that demand their silence. And it ensures that workplace support remains invisible or inaccessible.

The research found that some workers put in extra unpaid hours to try to achieve ‘ideal’ levels of productivity. Gorodenkoff/Shutterstock

Our analysis showed a stark contrast between perceptions of support for people with physical impairments and that for employees with mental health conditions. While physical aids like ramps are often visible and accepted, workers setting out their mental health needs frequently faced the risk of stigma, ignorance or disbelief.

By holding on to the ideal worker archetype, organisations are not only failing to fulfil their duty of care. They may also be undermining their own long-term sustainability if they lose skilled labour. Then there are the costs of constant recruitment and retraining.

Managing stigma is a workplace burden that can lead to burnout or divert energy away from a worker’s core tasks. We suggest a fundamental shift for employers: moving away from chasing the “ideal worker” towards creating “ideal workplaces” instead. This means challenging the assumption that productivity must be uninterrupted and that emotional stability is a prerequisite for professional value.

It also means focusing on the quality of an employee’s contribution rather than judging their constant availability or productivity. And it means designing work environments from the ground up to support diverse needs, so that mental health conditions are normalised. This would reduce the need for employees to keep conditions secret.

Ultimately, the problem with the ideal worker archetype is that it is a persistent myth that ignores the reality of human diversity. True equity requires organisations to stop trying to shape individuals to fit the mould and instead rethink work norms to support all employees so that everyone can play a part in enhancing the business.

Hadar Elraz disclosed this study was supported by the UK Economic and Social Research Council. She disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

Jen Remnant does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

A UK climate security report backed by the intelligence services was quietly buried – a pattern we’ve seen many times before

2026-02-03T13:17:37Z

Last autumn, a UK government report warned that climate-driven ecosystem collapse could lead to food shortages, mass migration, political extremism and even nuclear conflict. The report was never officially launched.

Commissioned by Defra – the Department for Environment Food and Rural Affairs – and informed by intelligence agencies including MI5 and MI6, the briefing assessed how environmental degradation could affect UK national security.

At the last minute the launch was cancelled, reportedly blocked by Number 10. Thanks to pressure from campaigners and a freedom of information request, a 14-page version of the report was snuck out (no launch, not even a press release) on January 22.

That report says: “Critical ecosystems that support major food production areas and impact global climate, water and weather cycles” are already under stress and represent a national security risk. If they failed, the consequences would be severe: water insecurity, severely reduced crop yields, loss of arable land, fisheries collapse, changes to global weather patterns, release of trapped carbon exacerbating climate change, novel zoonotic disease and loss of pharmaceutical resources.

In plainer terms: the UK would face hunger, thirst, disease and increasingly violent weather.

An unredacted version of the report, seen by the Times, goes further. It warns that the degradation of the Congo rainforest and the drying up of rivers fed by the Himalayas could drive people to flee to Europe (Britain’s large south Asian diaspora would make it “an attractive destination”), leading to “more polarised and populist politics” and putting more pressure on national infrastructure.

The Times describes a “reasonable worst case scenario” in the report, where many ecosystems were “so stressed that they could soon pass the point where they could be protected”. Declining Himalayan water supplies would “almost certainly escalate tensions” between China, India and Pakistan, potentially leading to nuclear conflict. Britain, which imports 40% of its food, would struggle to feed itself, the unredacted report says.

The report isn’t an outlier, and these concerns are not confined to classified briefings. A 2024 report by the University of Exeter and think-tank IPPR warned that cascading climate impacts and tipping points threaten national security – exactly the risk outlined in the Defra report.

Melting glaciers in remote mountains ultimately pose a security threat for the UK, say intelligence services. Hussain Warraich / shutterstock

The government has not publicly explained why the launch was cancelled. In response to the Times article, a Department for Environment, Food and Rural Affairs spokesperson said: “Nature underpins our security, prosperity and resilience, and understanding the threats we face from biodiversity loss is crucial to meeting them head on. The findings of this report will inform the action we take to prepare for the future.”

Perhaps there are mundane reasons to be cautious about a report linked to the intelligence services that warns of global instability. But the absence of any formal briefing or ministerial comment is itself revealing – climate risks appear to be treated differently from other risks to national security. It’s hard to imagine a report warning of national security risks from AI, China or ocean piracy getting the same treatment.

This episode is not even especially unusual, historically. Governments have been receiving warnings about climate change – and downplaying or delaying responses – for decades.

Decades of warnings

In January 1957, the Otago Daily Times reported a speech by New Zealand scientist Athol Rafter under the headline “Polar Ice Caps May Melt With Industrialisation”. And Rafter was merely repeating concerns already circulating internationally, including by a Canadian physicist whose similar warning went around the world in May 1953. Climate change first went viral more than seven decades ago.

By the early 1960s, scientists were holding meetings explicitly focused on the implications of carbon dioxide build-up. In 1965, a report to the US president’s Science Advisory Council warned that “marked changes in climate, not controllable though local or even national efforts, could occur”.

Senior figures in the UK government were aware of these discussions by the late 1960s, while the very first environment white paper, in May 1970, mentions carbon dioxide build-up as a possible problem.

But the story we see today was the same. Reports are commissioned, urgent warnings are issued – and action is deferred. When climate change gained renewed momentum in the mid-1980s, following the discovery of the ozone hole and the effects of greenhouse gases besides carbon dioxide, the message sharpened: global warming will come quicker and hit harder than expected.

Margaret Thatcher finally acknowledged the threat in a landmark 1988 speech to the Royal Society. But when green groups tried to get her to make specific commitments, they had little success.

Since about 1990, the briefings have barely changed. Act now, or suffer severe consequences later. Those consequences, however, are no longer theoretical.

Why does nothing happen?

Partly, it’s down to inertia. We have built societies in which carbon-intensive systems are locked in. Once you’ve built infrastructure around, say, the private petrol-powered automobile, it’s hard for competitors to offer an alternative. There’s also a mental intertia: it’s hard to let go of assumptions you grew up with in a more stable era.

Secrecy plays a role too. As the Defra report illustrates, uncomfortable assessments are often softened, delayed or buried. Then, if you do accept the need for action, you are then up against the problem of responsibility being fragmented across sectors and institutions, making it hard to know where to aim your efforts. Meanwhile, social movements fighting for climate action find it hard to sustain momentum for more than three years.

Here’s the final irony. Conspiracy theorists and climate deniers insist governments are exaggerating the threat. In reality, the evidence increasingly suggests the opposite. Official assessments tend to lag behind scientific warnings, and the most pessimistic scenarios are often confined to technical or classified documents.

The situation is not better than we are told. It’s actually far worse.

Marc Hudson was employed as a post-doctoral researcher on various industrial decarbonisation projects. He runs a climate histories website called All Our Yesterdays. http://allouryesterdays.info

Not an artefact, but an ancestor: why a German university is returning a Māori taonga

2026-02-03T13:17:31Z

Restitution debates – the question of whether a cultural object should be returned from a museum or other collection to a person or community – often begin with a deceptively simple question: who owns an object?

In colonial contexts, this question rarely has a clear answer. Histories of acquisition are often incomplete, disputed and overwhelmingly recorded from European perspectives. Legal documentation, where it exists at all, usually reflects unequal power relations rather than mutual consent. As a result, many restitution claims cannot be resolved through law alone.

This raises a fundamental question: should the spiritual, social and ancestral significance of an object for its community of origin outweigh unresolved legal arguments about possession?

The case of the Hinematioro pou, which is now being returned from the University of Tübingen to the Māori community Te Aitanga-a-Hauiti on the east coast of New Zealand’s north island, illustrates a restitution process grounded in cultural values. It shows what happens when decisions are guided primarily by spiritual meaning and relational responsibility, rather than by legal uncertainty surrounding colonial acquisition.

A pou is a carved wooden pillar that acts as a marker for tribal boundaries, stories or ancestors. The Hinematioro pou is an early carved panel depicting a standing ancestral figure.

For the Te Aitanga-a-Hauiti, the pou is neither a historical artefact nor a work of art in the western sense. It is the material presence of an ancestor, Hinematioro, who was an ariki (high-ranking leader). The pou is part of a living social order, not a testimony to a distant past.

Within Māori cultural logic, such an object is a taonga: a treasure that carries not only material, but also spiritual, social and genealogical value. Taonga possess mana and mauri – agency and life force – and require ritual relationships as well as responsibility.

This meaning became clear when the pou returned in 2019, for the first time in over 250 years, to Ūawa (Tolaga Bay). It was met with a formal pōwhiri (welcome ceremony) with singing, speeches, tears and embraces – as if a long-absent relative had come home.

Witnessing this special moment made us and many others who were part of the event understand that the question of the pou’s future location is not a museological one for the community, but an existential one. It is not about possession, but about relationship.

How the taonga came to Germany

It is not possible to conclusively reconstruct how the taonga came to Europe. What is certain is that, in October 1769, it was taken from Ūawa to Europe aboard the HMS Endeavour during James Cook’s first Pacific voyage.

The panel is widely regarded as one of the earliest surviving carved pou associated with Māori chiefly genealogies to have entered European collections. This occurred within a colonial context of profound power asymmetries.

The Watering Place in Tolaga Bay, Ōpoutama, Cooks Cove sketch by James Cook 1769. British Museum, London

It is also not possible to establish how the pou was transferred. A range of possibilities exists, including gifting, coerced handover, exchange or theft. European sources provide no clear evidence, and perspectives from the source community are not sufficiently recognised in Europe. Therefore, a lack of documented violence cannot be taken as evidence of a voluntary transfer.

The object’s later path to Tübingen can only be partially traced. It may have circulated through several 19th-century scientific and collecting networks connected to the Cook expedition.

What is certain is that, in 1937, the pou entered the Ethnological Collection of the University of Tübingen through Emma von Luschan (1864–1941, wife to the anthropologist, explorer, archaeologist and ethnographer, Felix von Luschan) when their collection was curated by the anthropologist and ethnologist Augustin Krämer.

A turning point came in the 1990s, when the panel was identified using a drawing from the Cook expedition held at the British Library. What proved decisive, however, was the establishment of direct relationships with the Hauiti Iwi (tribe or people).

In the following years, close cooperation developed between the University of Tübingen and the Hauiti Iwi. In 2019 the pou was loaned back to the Māori. A jointly curated exhibition Te Pou o Hinematioro (2025–26) at Hohentübingen Castle back in Germany followed – an expressions of a partnership in which trust could grow. The restitution of the pou is therefore not the outcome of conflict, but the result of a long-term relationship that deepened during the exhibition process.

From a legal perspective, the university was not obliged to return the object. Under German civil law, the pou is considered university property, and no binding restitution framework exists for colonial contexts.

Nevertheless, political approaches to colonial collection material in Germany have shifted in recent years. Recent national guidelines encourage transparency, provenance research, dialogue with source communities and restitution as a possible outcome. This reflects a shift away from narrow legal ownership toward acknowledging colonial power imbalances in collection histories.

Decisions about restitution are primarily political and institutional in nature. These decisions raise questions of responsibility: what obligations do present-day collections have towards the circumstances in which their holdings were acquired, and what role do institutions wish to play in global debates on heritage, memory and justice? Universities, with their extensive collections and deep involvement in colonial knowledge production, are particularly affected by these issues.

Where legal histories are inconclusive – as they often are in colonial contexts – restitution cannot be decided by ownership alone. For source communities to be genuine partners, their social, spiritual and ancestral relationships with heritage must be recognised. Otherwise, restitution debates risk perpetuating the very hierarchies it aims to dismantle.

Medieval women used falconry to subvert gender norms

2026-02-03T13:17:23Z

Hawks are taking cinematic flight. In two recent literary adaptations, they are entwined with the lives and emotions of their respective protagonists – Agnes Shakespeare (née Hathaway) and Helen Macdonald.

Birds of prey and their symbolism are explored in Hamnet, Chloé Zhao’s adaptation of Maggie O’Farrell’s 2020 novel, and H is for Hawk, based on Macdonald’s 2014 memoir. In these films, hawks become complex and multifaceted figures, articulating gendered relationships to grief, nature, humanity and selfhood.

Hamnet is set in the Elizabethan period, and H is for Hawk in the modern day. However, the relationship between women and birds of prey has an even longer history. My research shows that in the medieval period, too, that relationship was multilayered. Far more than fashionable accessories, hawks offered women both real and symbolic means to express gender, power and status within a male-dominated world.

The mirror case from the British Library collection. The Trustees of the British Museum, CC BY-NC

In the middle ages, the process of training hawks, with its delicate dance of control and release, was popularly associated with the game of courtship between men and women.

Falconry’s romantic connotations are emphasised in art, objects and literature from the time. Images of men and women hunting together with birds of prey feature across a wide range of medieval material culture, from tapestries for castle walls to decorative cases used to contain and protect hand-held mirrors.

The largest of four fifteenth-century tapestries, known collectively as the Devonshire Hunting Tapestries, takes falconry as its subject. Lovers are depicted strolling arm-in-arm as their birds hunt prey.

On a smaller scale, two fourteenth-century mirror cases from the collections of the British Museum and the Metropolitan Museum of Art show scenes of lovers riding on horseback, each holding falcons. The mirrors may have been gifted as love tokens. Literary texts are also filled with references to women with, and even as, hawks.

The trope of the woman as a hawk needing to be tamed and controlled, however, was not a straightforward one of female submission. Falconry and its symbolism offered elite medieval women mastery and autonomy.

Defining themselves

Where high-status medieval women had the opportunity to represent themselves through visual culture, they often chose to include birds of prey. This is most obviously seen in seals, which were used by a wide range of medieval people to authenticate legally binding documents. Seals represented the sealer’s endorsement, identity and status.

The iconography of seals, and the matrices or moulds used to create them, provides important evidence of how women of status wished to be perceived and remembered. Elizabeth of Rhuddlan, the youngest daughter of King Edward I and Eleanor of Castile, chose the most popular motif among 13th-century women as the matrix for her personal (privy) seal. It shows a woman standing upright, her body tilted towards an obedient bird of prey in her left hand.

In another seal-matrix from the same century, Elizabeth, Lady of Sevorc is shown in a more energetic pose. She rides side-saddle, a falcon in one hand and a large eagle’s claw in the other.

Through their seals, medieval women showed their mastery over their birds of prey and affairs, and their belonging to a fashionable and powerful female collective.

A lady observing her hawk fly towards a duck, from the Taymouth Hours. British Library

Beyond imagery, records show that queens and noblewomen created and managed parks and hunting grounds. They also hawked together, trained birds of prey, and even gave them as gifts.

Smaller birds, such as merlins, were considered appropriate for women. In the film adaption of H is for Hawk, Claire Foy’s Helen refuses to settle for a merlin, dismissing it as a “lady’s bird”. It seems that medieval women similarly refused to be limited by the options conduct manuals offered them.

Henry VIII’s paternal grandmother, Margaret Beaufort, had many birds of prey. These included merlins and lannerets as well as larger species such as goshawks and lanners.

The deer park Beaufort created at her palace at Collyweston in Northamptonshire, with its terraces, ponds and water meadows, was ideally suited to falconry. Her daughter-in-law, Queen Elizabeth of York, who had her own room at the palace, hunted with goshawks.

In some cases, women appear to have been recognised as authorities on falconry-related matters. The Taymouth Hours, an illuminated 14th century book likely produced for a queenly reader, shows women with billowing headdresses hunting mallards with large birds of prey. The women adopt authoritative stances, demonstrating their skill, command and control over the birds.

In the following century, Dame Juliana de Berners, a prioress from Sopwell Priory, is thought to have authored at least part of the Boke of St Albans, which contains treatises on hunting and hawking.

A lady observing her hawk bringing down a duck in the Yates Thompson manuscript. British Library

Research by English Heritage has identified that women could even make a living from their expertise in training hawks. In the mid-13th century, a woman named Ymayna was the keeper of the Earl of Richmond’s hawks and hounds at Richmond Castle. In exchange for her expertise, she and her family were permitted to hold land nearby.

Ymayna stands out as a woman in a male-dominated profession, but her example suggests that there were probably other women like her, whose names are unidentified or absent from the historical record.

Women falconers may have been among the owners and users of knives, the handles of which survive in museum collections across Europe. An exquisitely carved example from the 14th century, now displayed in the Ashmolean Museum in Oxford, takes the form of a noble lady with a tiny bird of prey clutched close to her heart.

Literary texts reveal that falconry offered opportunities for female socialisation and bonding. In the Middle English poem Sir Orfeo, Orfeo spies a collective of 60 women on horseback, each with a hawk in hand.

A lady hawking for a hare in the Yates Thompson manuscript. British Library

In Hamnet, Agnes tells her husband William Shakespeare that her falconry glove was a gift from her mother. Medieval and early-modern women certainly gave gifts to one another, including gloves. My research, however, suggests that birds of prey were more commonly gifted between women and men.

Margaret Beaufort gave and received birds of prey to and from male relatives and associates, including her young grandson, the future Henry VIII. Birds of prey were considered suitable gifts for special occasions and life milestones. Margaret Pole, Countess of Salisbury, gave her nephew, Henry Courtenay, three falcons to mark his elevation to the title of Marquess of Exeter in 1525.

That powerful women landowners participated in rituals of gift exchange with men suggests falconry was not a straightforwardly feminine expression of power and status. Through their ownership of parks and the giving and receiving of birds of prey as gifts, women also used the culture of falconry to show their belonging to a masculine world of hunting and lordly largesse.

This article features references to books that have been included for editorial reasons, and may contain links to bookshop.org. If you click on one of the links and go on to buy something from bookshop.org The Conversation UK may earn a commission.

Rachel Delman received funding from the Arts and Humanities Research Council (2013-2016) and the Leverhulme Trust (2019-2022).

Why do our joints crack, pop and crunch and should we worry about it?

2026-02-03T12:12:04Z

New Africa/Shutterstock

Many of us have noisy joints. Knees crack on the stairs, necks pop when we stretch, and knuckles seem to crack almost on demand. These sounds can be startling and are often blamed on ageing, damage or the looming threat of arthritis.

As a physiotherapist and researcher of chronic joint pain, I am frequently asked whether joint noises are something to worry about. The reassuring answer is that, in most cases, they are not.

One reason joint sounds cause anxiety is that we tend to treat them as a single phenomenon. Clinically, they are not.

The familiar “crack” from knuckles, backs or necks is usually caused by a process called cavitation. Joints are surrounded by a capsule filled with synovial fluid, a thick lubricant that contains dissolved gases such as oxygen, nitrogen and carbon dioxide. When a joint is stretched beyond its usual range, pressure inside the capsule drops. A gas bubble forms and collapses, producing the popping sound.

This is why you cannot crack the same joint repeatedly. It typically takes around 20 minutes for the gas to dissolve back into the fluid.

Other noises are different. Snapping sounds often come from tendons moving over bony structures. Grinding, crunching or creaking noises, known as crepitus, are particularly common in the knees. These are thought to arise from movement between cartilage and bone surfaces and are often felt as well as heard.

Knees are especially prone to crepitus because of how they work. The kneecap sits in a groove at the front of the thigh bone and is guided by muscles above and below it. If those muscles pull unevenly, because of strength imbalances, tightness or foot and hip mechanics, the kneecap can track slightly off centre. This can increase the crunching or grinding sensation.

Noise on its own is rarely a problem. What matters clinically is whether it comes with other symptoms. Pain, swelling, locking of the joint or a noticeable reduction in function are the things that warrant further assessment.

Does cracking joints cause arthritis?

There is no strong evidence that cracking or popping joints causes osteoarthritis.

Research in this area is challenging, as it requires following people over many years and accurately tracking their habits. The studies that do exist, including retrospective and cross-sectional research, have not found a meaningful link between habitual joint cracking and arthritis.

Some studies have explored other outcomes, such as grip strength or joint laxity, which refers to how loose or flexible a joint is and how much it can move beyond its typical range. Findings have been mixed and inconsistent. Overall, there is no convincing evidence that cracking joints causes damage to joint structures, strength or long-term joint health.

Many people report that joint cracking feels satisfying or relieving. This makes sense. Stretching a joint to the point of cavitation can temporarily increase range of motion and reduce muscle tension. There is also a neurological effect, as nerve endings are stimulated during the movement, sending a reflex signal to the brain which causes local muscle relaxation in the area. The audible pop itself can provide a calming, satisfying sensation which may lead to developing that habitual self-soothing mechanism for tension that annoys your family members and friends.

The key point is that these effects are short lived. Joint cracking does not fix underlying mechanical issues or provide lasting improvements in mobility. If relief only comes from repeated cracking, the underlying cause has not been addressed.

Spinal manipulation

Spinal manipulation, whether performed by physiotherapists, chiropractors or other practitioners, relies on the same cavitation mechanism. There is evidence that it can provide short-term pain relief and reduce muscle tension for some people.

However, it is important to be cautious, particularly with the neck. The cervical spine protects the spinal cord and major blood vessels supplying the brain. Rare but serious complications, including stroke, have been reported following neck manipulation. Anyone considering this type of treatment should ensure it is carried out by a properly trained professional and understand that it targets symptoms rather than underlying causes.

Joint noises do tend to become more common with age. Cartilage changes over time, and muscles and ligaments may lose some of their strength and elasticity. These changes can increase the likelihood of noise during movement.

People who have joint conditions such as knee osteoarthritis and have noisy joints tend to report slightly more pain and reduced function compared to people with osteoarthritis and no crepitus. It may be reassuring to know that there is no difference in tests like walking speed or muscle strength between groups, pointing to a potential psychological impact of noisy knees.

Crucially, noise alone is not a reason to stop being active. Some people reduce their physical activity because they fear they are “wearing out” their joints. In fact, the opposite is true. Movement is essential for joint health. Cartilage relies on regular compression and release to receive nutrients, as it has very limited blood supply.

Exercise is a cornerstone of joint health and is recommended as the first treatment to try in national and international clinical guidelines for conditions such as osteoarthritis. Consistency matters more than the specific type of exercise. The best exercise is the one you will keep doing.

There is no evidence that supplements such as collagen or fish oils reduce joint noise. Large studies show limited effects on pain and function at a population level, although some people report benefits. These supplements are generally safe, but if they do not help, they are unlikely to be worth the cost.

Joint noises are usually harmless. They are worth assessing if they are accompanied by pain, swelling, locking, or reduced function, or if they are limiting your confidence to move. Staying active is one of the best things you can do for your joints, whether they crack, pop, crunch or stay silent.

Strange Health is hosted by Katie Edwards and Dan Baumgardt. The executive producer is Gemma Ware, with video and sound editing for this episode by Sikander Khan. Artwork by Alice Mason.

In this episode, Dan and Katie talk about a social media clip from loryalien via TikTok.

Listen to Strange Health via any of the apps listed above, download it directly via our RSS feed or find out how else to listen here. A transcript is available via the Apple Podcasts or Spotify apps.

Clodagh Toomey receives funding from the Health Research Board Ireland. She is affiliated with the non-profit Good Life with osteoArthritis Denmark (GLA:D).

Is cracking your neck bad? And why can it feel so good to crack your back, knuckles and knees?

2026-02-03T10:09:42Z

Andrey_Popov/Shutterstock

Joint cracking is one of those habits most of us acquire without thinking about it. A knuckle popped mid-sentence. A back twisted as we stand up. A neck gently crunched while the kettle boils. It is common, oddly satisfying and, for anyone sitting nearby, faintly alarming.

It is also surprisingly divisive.

Some people wince at the sound of a knuckle pop or a neck crunch. Others swear by it, twisting, stretching and cracking joints throughout the day in search of relief.

In the third episode of The Conversation’s Strange Health podcast, we turn our attention to one of the body’s most common and least understood noises. Knuckles, backs, knees and necks all feature, along with the enduring warning many of us grew up with: “Stop cracking your joints, you’ll get arthritis.” Is there any truth in it? And why can cracking feel so strangely satisfying?

We turned to this week’s podcast expert guest, Clodagh Toomey, a specialist in musculoskeletal injury and chronic lifestyle-related diseases such as osteoarthritis, to give us the science behind the myths. As she explains in our interview, the familiar popping sound is not bones grinding together. It is caused by a process known as cavitation. Most joints are filled with synovial fluid, which lubricates and cushions movement. When a joint is stretched or twisted, pressure inside it drops suddenly, allowing dissolved gases to form a bubble. The rapid formation or collapse of that bubble creates the cracking noise.

Imaging studies have shown this happening in real time, and decades of research have found no convincing link between habitual knuckle cracking and arthritis. Allergist Donald Unger won the 2009 Ig Nobel Prize in medicine, which recognises quirky research that initially seems trivial or absurd but ends up offering real scientific insight, for his long-running self-experiment. Over decades, he cracked the knuckles on one hand every day and left the other alone, finding no difference between them. Just to prove his mother wrong. You can’t fault his dedication.

So why does it feel good? Part of the answer lies in muscle tension. Stretching a joint stimulates receptors that briefly reduce stiffness and discomfort. Movement also activates sensory nerves that can dampen pain signals, similar to rubbing a sore area after a knock. There may even be a small reward response in the brain, which helps explain why cracking can become habitual.

Neck and back cracking, however, deserves more care. Gentle stretching that produces an occasional crack is usually harmless. Forceful or repeated manipulation, especially by someone untrained, carries more risk. Rare but serious injuries have been linked to damage to blood vessels supplying the brain. These events are uncommon, but they are enough to make aggressive spine cracking a bad idea.

The key message is context. Painless cracking without swelling, locking or loss of movement is usually nothing to worry about. Cracking accompanied by persistent pain, warmth, swelling or a recent injury is a different matter and should be checked out.

Listen to Strange Health to understand why for most people, bone cracking is not a sign of damage or degeneration. It is simply one of the many odd noises the body makes as it moves through the world. Just maybe warn the people sitting next to you first.

Strange Health is hosted by Katie Edwards and Dan Baumgardt. The executive producer is Gemma Ware, with video and sound editing for this episode by Sikander Khan. Artwork by Alice Mason.

In this episode, Dan and Katie talk about a social media clip from loryalien via TikTok.

Katie Edwards is a health and medicine editor at The Conversation in the UK. Clodagh Toomey receives funding from the Health Research Board (Ireland) for research in the area of osteoarthritis. She is affiliated with non-profit initiative GLA:D(r) (Good Life with osteoArthritis Denmark).

Dan Baumgardt does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

What’s the point of a space station around the Moon?

2026-02-03T09:07:10Z

The Lunar Gateway is planned space station that will orbit the Moon. It is part of the Nasa‑led Artemis programme. Artemis aims to return humans to the Moon, establishing a sustainable presence there for scientific and commercial purposes, and eventually reach Mars.

However, the modular space station now faces delays, cost concerns and potential US funding cuts. This raises a fundamental question: is an orbiting space station necessary to achieve lunar objectives, including scientific ones?

The president’s proposed 2026 budget for Nasa sought to cancel Gateway. Ultimately, push back from within the Senate led to continued funding for the lunar outpost. But debate continues among policymakers as to its value and necessity within the Artemis programme.

Cancelling Gateway would also raise deeper questions about the future of US commitment to international cooperation within Artemis. It would therefore risk eroding US influence over global partnerships that will define the future of deep space exploration.

Gateway was designed to support these ambitions by acting as a staging point for crewed and robotic missions (such as lunar rovers), as a platform for scientific research and as a testbed for technologies crucial to landing humans on Mars.

It is a multinational endeavour. Nasa is joined by four international partners, the Canadian Space Agency, the European Space Agency (Esa), the Japan Aerospace Exploration Agency and the United Arab Emirates’ Mohammed Bin Rashid Space Centre.

The Lunar Gateway. Nasa

Most components contributed by these partners have already been produced and delivered to the US for integration and testing. But the project has been beset by rising costs and persistent debates over its value.

If cancelled, the US abandonment of the most multinational component of the Artemis programme, at a time when trust in such alliances is under unprecedented strain, could be far reaching.

It will be assembled module by module, with each partner contributing components and with the possibility of additional partners joining over time.

Strategic aims

Gateway reflects a broader strategic aim of Artemis, to pursue lunar exploration through partnerships with industry and other nations, helping spread the financial cost – rather than as a sole US venture. This is particularly important amid intensifying competition – primarily with China.

China and Russia are pursuing their own multinational lunar project, a surface base called the International Lunar Research Station. Gateway could act as an important counterweight, helping reinforce US leadership at the Moon.

In its quarter-century of operation, the ISS has hosted more than 290 people from 26 countries, alongside its five international partners, including Russia. More than 4,000 experiments have been conducted in this unique laboratory.

In 2030, the ISS is due to be succeeded by separate private and national space stations in low Earth orbit. As such, Lunar Gateway could repeat the strategic, stabilising role among different nations that the ISS has played for decades.

However, it is essential to examine carefully whether Gateway’s strategic value is truly matched by its operational and financial feasibility.

It could be argued that the rest of the Artemis programme is not dependant on the lunar space station, making its rationales increasingly difficult to defend.

Some critics focus on technical issues, others say the Gateway’s original purpose has faded, while others argue that lunar missions can proceed without an orbital outpost.

Sustainable exploration

Supporters counter that the Lunar Gateway offers a critical platform for testing technology in deep space, enabling sustainable lunar exploration, fostering international cooperation and laying the groundwork for a long term human presence and economy at the Moon. The debate now centres on whether there are more effective ways to achieve these goals.

Despite uncertainties, commercial and national partners remain dedicated to delivering their commitments. Esa is supplying the International Habitation Module (IHAB) alongside refuelling and communications systems. Canada is building Gateway’s robotic arm, Canadarm3, the UAE is producing an airlock module and Japan is contributing life support systems and habitation components.

Gateway’s Halo module at a facility in Arizona operated by aerospace company Northrop Grumman. Nasa / Josh Valcarcel

US company Northrop Grumman is responsible for developing the Habitat and Logistics Outpost (Halo), and American firm Maxar is to build the power and propulsion element (PPE). A substantial portion of this hardware has already been delivered and is undergoing integration and testing.

If the Gateway project ends, the most responsible path forward to avoid discouraging future contributors to Artemis projects would be to establish a clear plan to repurpose the hardware for other missions.

Cancellation without such a strategy risks creating a vacuum that rival coalitions, could exploit. But it could also open the door to new alternatives, potentially including one led by Esa.

Esa has reaffirmed its commitment to Gateway even if the US ultimately reconsiders its own role. For emerging space nations, access to such an outpost would help develop their capabilities in exploration. That access translates directly into geopolitical influence.

Space endeavours are expensive, risky and often difficult to justify to the public. Yet sustainable exploration beyond Earth’s orbit will require a long-term, collaborative approach rather than a series of isolated missions.

If the Gateway no longer makes technical or operational sense for the US, its benefits could still be achieved through another project.

This could be located on the lunar surface, integrated into a Mars mission or could take an entirely new form. But if the US dismisses Gateway’s value as a long term outpost without ensuring that its broader benefits are preserved, it risks missing an opportunity that will shape its long term influence in international trust, leadership and the future shape of space cooperation.

Berna Akcali Gur does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

Greenland’s ‘green mining’ row highlights the key tensions in the energy transition

2026-02-02T17:50:57Z

pathdoc/Shutterstock

Green finance is built on a promise: that capital can be redirected to support the transition to a low-carbon economy while avoiding the environmental mistakes of the past. That promise is getting harder to keep.

The technologies needed for decarbonisation of electric vehicles, wind turbines, batteries and grid infrastructure rely on large quantities of critical minerals. Extracting those materials, even from remote places such as Greenland, remains environmentally disruptive, socially contested and politically fraught.

Sustainable finance shapes investment decisions across energy, infrastructure and manufacturing. The ethical frameworks this finance is based on often assume that environmental harm can be minimised through better disclosure, cleaner technologies and improved governance.

The extraction of critical minerals challenges that assumption. Mining is land intensive, energy hungry and often polluting. Recycling of existing batteries, electronics and turbines, and substitution away from scarce materials can reduce demand.

But most projections from the world’s energy watchdog, the International Energy Agency, show that demand for critical minerals will rise sharply under clean energy transitions . Similar bodies show that extraction of raw materials such as lithium, cobalt, nickel and rare earth elements will rise sharply over the next two decades.

This is because the transition away from fossil fuels depends on large volumes of new infrastructure including electric vehicle batteries, wind turbines and grid storage, which cannot be supplied from recycled materials alone.

Recent research and policy assessments suggest this contradiction is becoming more acute, not less. Recent analyses of critical mineral supply chains show that extraction and processing remain highly concentrated in a few countries particularly China, Australia, Chile and the Democratic Republic of Congo.

These supply chains are environmentally intensive, involving significant land use, water consumption and pollution. These supply chains are slow to scale because it takes years to obtain permits for new mines, requires large upfront investment, and depends on the construction of extensive infrastructure. Yet global climate targets assume rapid expansion of clean-energy technologies.

In Greenland, environmental regulation and local political decisions have delayed or halted mining projects that are often considered key to the green transition.

Greenland is geologically rich. The island is home to significant deposits of rare earth elements, graphite, zinc and other minerals considered critical by both the EU and the US. These materials are central to clean-energy supply chains and have become strategically important as governments seek to reduce dependence on China, a superpower which dominates global processing capacity.

At the same time, Greenland’s environment is exceptionally fragile. Arctic ecosystems recover slowly from industrial disruption, infrastructure is limited and mining projects face high logistical and financial costs. These constraints have already shaped political choices.

In 2021, Greenland’s government introduced restrictions on uranium mining, effectively blocking the development of the large Kvanefjeld rare earth project. That decision reflected environmental and social priorities. It also highlighted the economic and legal pressures that arise when sustainability policies collide with global demand for transition minerals.

When green finance meets geopolitics

In a world of geopolitical competition, governments are increasingly treating access to critical minerals as a matter of national security as well as climate policy. Policy statements and strategy documents from the US, the EU and other major economies now frame mineral supply not just as an environmental issue, but as essential to economic resilience, defence capability and technological leadership.

This shift has encouraged public financial support, diplomatic engagement and strategic partnerships aimed at securing future supply, including increased foreign interest in Greenland’s mineral sector. While Greenland retains control over its resources, international attention reflects the growing geopolitical importance of potential new supply sources.

Projects justified as supporting the energy transition may be driven as much by geopolitical urgency as by environmental benefit. Academic research on critical mineral supply chains shows that when geopolitical and industrial priorities shape governance frameworks, local environmental risks and community consent are often marginalised in favour of strategic and economic goals

Tension in Greenland

Despite international interest, large-scale mining in Greenland has not taken off. Environmental safeguards, political opposition, infrastructure gaps and high costs have slowed development. This reality complicates the assumption that new mineral frontiers can quickly solve clean-energy supply bottlenecks through investment alone.

For investors, Greenland raises difficult questions about how environmental, social and governance (ESG) standards apply to transition minerals. Financing a rare earth mine may reduce long-term emissions by enabling renewable technologies, yet still impose immediate environmental damage. Standard ESG metrics struggle to capture this trade-off. They are better suited to assessing corporate behaviour than to resolving conflicts between global climate goals and local environmental harm.

Current geopolitical dynamics have huge consequences for Greenland’s environment. Kedardome/Shutterstock

In Greenland, the debate over “green mining” (the idea that mineral extraction can be made environmentally acceptable through cleaner technologies, higher standards and better governance) is not a case of poor regulation or weak oversight. Instead, it reflects a jurisdiction that has deliberately placed environmental limits on extraction, even as it faces economic and strategic pressure as a result.

As governments continue to pursue ambitious climate targets under national and international commitments, similar dilemmas will emerge elsewhere. Green finance cannot avoid the material foundations of the energy transition.

Sustainable finance frameworks must evolve to handle situations where environmental protection constrains access to strategically important resources. Greenland shows how protecting the environment can clash with efforts to secure the minerals needed for the energy transition, and that this tension is far from resolved.

Without clearer rules on how to balance climate benefits against local ecological costs and without genuine respect for sovereignty and community choice, green finance risks becoming reactive, stretched between environmental principles and geopolitical realities.

The transition to a low-carbon economy requires minerals. But Greenland highlights that how those minerals are sourced and who bears the environmental cost remains unresolved.

Narmin Nahidi does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

Why does this river slice straight through a mountain range? After 150 years, scientists finally know

2026-02-02T16:33:14Z

The Gates of Lodore mark the beginning of the Green River's path through the Uinta Mountains. Scott Alan Ritchie / shutterstock

The western US is a geologists’ dream, home to the Rocky Mountains, the Grand Canyon, active volcanoes and striking sandstone arches. But one landform simply doesn’t make sense.

Rivers normally flow around barriers. The Danube river, for example, flows between the Alps and the Carpathians, twisting and turning to avoid the mountains.

But in north-western Colorado, one river does the opposite.

The intimidatingly named Gates of Lodore marks the entrance to the 700-metre deep Canyon of Lodore that slices straight through the Uinta Mountains as if the range wasn’t there at all. It was created by the Green River, the largest tributary of the Colorado River (of Grand Canyon fame).

For more than 150 years, geologists have debated why the Green River chose such an unusual path, creating a spectacular canyon in the process.

The Green River carves its way through the Uintas in Dinosaur National Monument, on the border of Colorado and Utah. Eric Poulin / shutterstock

In 1876, John Wesley Powell, a legendary explorer and geologist contemplated this question. Powell hypothesised that the river didn’t cut through the mountain, but instead flowed over this route before the range existed. The river must have simply maintained its course as the mountains grew, carving the canyon in the process.

Unfortunately, geological evidence shows this cannot be the case. The Uinta Mountains formed around 50 million years ago, but we know that the Green River has only been following this route for less than 8 million years. As a result, geologists have been forced to seek alternative explanations.

And it seems the answer lies far below the surface.

Drip drip

Colleagues and I have found evidence for a process in which part of the Earth’s crust becomes so dense that it begins to sink into the mantle beneath it. This phenomenon, known as a “lithospheric drip”, occurs deep in the Earth, but can have profound effects on the surface.

Drips often form beneath mountain ranges. The sheer weight of the mountains raise temperatures and pressures at the base of the crust, causing dense minerals to form. As these minerals accumulate, the lower crust can become heavier than the mantle it “floats” on. At this point, the crust begins to detach, or “drip”, into the mantle.

Dripping (left) then rebounding (right). Smith et al (2026)

At the surface, this causes two things. Initially as the drip forms, it pulls the crust down, lowering the height of the mountain range above. Then as the drip detaches, the crust springs or rebounds back. The whole process is like pulling a trampoline down and then letting it go again.

For the Green River, this temporary lowering of the Uinta Mountains appears to have removed a critical barrier. The river was able to cross the range during this low period, and then, as the range rebounded, it carved the Canyon of Lodore as it continued on its new course.

A geological bullseye

Our evidence for the lithospheric drip comes from the river networks around the Uinta Mountains. Rivers record a record of past changes to landscapes, which geomorphologists can use to assess how the elevation of a mountain range may have changed in the distant past. The rivers around the Uintas show that the range had recently (in geological terms) undergone a phase of renewed uplift.

By modelling these river networks, we were able to map out the uplift. The result was striking: a bullseye-shaped pattern, with the greatest uplift at the centre of the mountain range, with things decreasing further from the centre. Around the world, this same pattern represents the telltale sign of a lithospheric drip. Similar signals have been identified in places such as the Central Anatolian Plateau in Turkey, as well as closer to the Uinta Mountains on the Colorado Plateau or the Sierra Nevada of California.

To test whether such a process was occurring beneath the Uintas, we turned to seismic tomography. This technique is similar to a medical CT (computerised tomography) scan: instead of using X-rays, geophysicists analyse seismic waves from earthquakes to infer the structure of the deep earth.

Existing seismic imaging reveals a cold, round anomaly more than a hundred miles below the surface of the Uintas. We interpreted this huge feature, some 30-60 miles across, as our broken-off section of the drip.

By estimating the velocity of the sinking drip, we calculated it had detached between 2 and 5 million years ago. This timing matches the uplift inferred from nearby rivers and, crucially, perfectly matches separate geological estimates for when the Green River crossed the Uinta Mountains and joined the Colorado River.

Taken together, these different bits of evidence point towards a lithospheric drip being the trigger that allowed the Green River to flow over the Uintas, resolving a 150-year-old debate.

A pivotal moment in the history of North America

When the Green River carved through the Uinta Mountains, it fundamentally changed the landscape of North America. Rather than flowing eastwards into the Mississippi, it became a tributary of the Colorado River, and its waters were redirected to the Pacific.

This rerouting altered the continental divide, the line that divides North American river systems that flow into the Atlantic from those that flow into the Pacific. In doing so, it created new boundaries and connections for wildlife and ecosystems.

The story of the Green River shows that processes deep within the Earth can have profound impacts for life on the surface. Over geological timescales, movements of country-sized lumps of minerals many miles below the surface can reshape mountains, redirect rivers and ultimately influence life itself.

Adam Smith does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

Crime is no longer just a local issue – that’s why a national police force is needed

2026-02-02T16:33:12Z

Brian A Jackson/Shutterstock

Modern crime transcends place and space. From burglary to fraud, crime increasingly crosses local, national and digital borders. England and Wales’ geographically restricted police forces are not well equipped to respond.

This is why the home secretary, Shabana Mahmood, has announced a significant restructuring of the policing system. The proposals include establishing a National Police Service and merging existing local forces areas into larger regional ones.

Currently, England and Wales have 43 local police forces. Each has different organisational structures and levels of expertise in specific areas of crime. Police intelligence databases and digital capabilities vary, which can silo local forces and result in blind spots.

Most of the country’s specialist policing resources are situated in London’s Metropolitan police and the National Crime Agency. This uneven distribution of resources leaves local forces reliant on each other as specialist needs arise.

Even crime we think of as “local” can exploit force boundaries. Burglars and car thieves may cross local force borders to avoid multiple crimes being linked by police. This problem is more evident in serious crimes like weapons or drug trafficking and modern slavery. Organised crime groups move products and people around the country, and often across international borders.

Much modern crime is also placeless or transnational. Technology-enabled crime, phishing and other scams, and image-based abuse can involve victims and perpetrators in multiple locations, both in the UK and abroad. Fraud is currently the most prevalent crime affecting people in the UK.

The problem for British policing is therefore not simply a question of efficiency, but one of fit. The current structure of policing does not match the structure of crime.

The government’s proposals will centralise existing specialist policing capabilities into a single organisation, better equipped to respond to cross-border crime. This, the home secretary argues, will reduce intelligence blind spots, allow police to share data nationally, and save money.

A National Police Service will also provide stronger leadership and accountability. The NPS will be headed by a chief constable who will be Britain’s most senior officer. The proposals have been welcomed by current police leadership organisations including the National Police Chiefs’ Council, the College of Policing and the independent Police Foundation.

A national approach

To understand the benefits of this approach, we can look at another area where the UK has already nationalised its efforts – extradition policing.

A National Extradition Unit was established ahead of Brexit to bring frontline extradition policing into one team. Before this, responsibility was dispersed across all local forces, with the National Crime Agency coordinating and linking UK policing to partners overseas.

The UK receives more extradition requests – to send criminals to other countries – than it issues. The bulk of extradition work involves tracking down fugitives wanted by foreign states, bringing them before the courts and arranging for their removal from the UK. Although larger forces sometimes had dedicated teams, for many local forces this work competed with other duties and force priorities.

Crime is crossing international and digital borders every day. Pungu x/Shutterstock

If a fugitive could not be located in one local area, the warrant would be returned to the NCA to reallocate the case to another force, wasting time and money. Once a fugitive was arrested, local forces would need to transport them to London, where extradition courts are located.

Once extradition was agreed by the court, these forces would have to travel again to meet international police officers at airports (often in London) to hand the individual over into foreign custody. All of this cost significant officer time and resources, often at very short notice.

The National Extradition Unit now sits within the newly formed Joint International Crime Centre, which offers a one-stop-shop service to UK policing and international partners.

This centralisation has reduced inefficiency and strengthened international partnerships, which is crucial in the face of growing transnational crime. There is also potential to centralise more international capabilities, such as criminal evidence exchange.

The formation of a National Police Service aims to replicate these benefits across policing: driving down costs and inefficiency, increasing effectiveness and improving governance. If delivered, it should improve the UK response to national and international cross-border crime.

Unresolved issues

Reform of British policing is long overdue – the last structural reforms were in 1964. But the movement to a national structure naturally raises questions about the future of neighbourhood policing. The number of community support officers has fallen 40% since 2010, and the public is disappointed with police responses to crimes like shoplifting, which predominantly affect local areas.

There is also the question of the relationship between the national and regional levels, which is not clearly spelt out in the proposals. Another unresolved issue is the status of the National Crime Agency – currently the UK’s national law enforcement agency that investigates serious and organised crime – as it is absorbed into a future National Police Service.

Of more concern are proposals to expand the home secretary’s powers to dismiss chief constables and to set centralised performance targets. This centralisation of power into government potentially threatens operational independence, a foundational principle of British policing.

The imposition of performance targets under previous governments has tended to focus police on what is measured, not always on what matters most: maintaining public trust while effectively responding to serious crime. It is important that the implementation of these reforms guards against unintended consequences that undermine those capabilities.

A centralised system could better equip police to deal with modern, borderless crime. Yet this must be balanced against the need for local accountability and operational independence.

The success of a National Police Service will depend on how it is designed and governed. As the proposals move through consultation and scrutiny, the challenge for the government will be to modernise policing without undermining the principle of public trust on which it ultimately depends.

Estelle Marks does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

Men rule the Grammys as women see hard drop in wins at 2026 awards

2026-02-02T16:33:11Z

In her acceptance speech for best pop vocal album at the 68th Grammy Awards ceremony last night, Lady Gaga shone a light on the challenges that women face in studios. “It can be hard,” she said. “So, I urge you to always listen to yourself and … fight for your songs, fight for yourself as a producer. Make sure that you are heard, loudly,” she continued, placing the onus on women to take control of the fight for equality in music.

Many well-established and new female superstars were indeed heard loudly last night in the broadcast, which clearly made sure to display gender balance in front of the camera. However, when it comes to awards, nominations and the wider industry the picture is much different.

Working with my business partner, strategist Richard Addy, I looked at gender representation across all 95 of this year’s Grammy categories. Our analysis reveals that women and female bands sustained a dramatic fall in winners compared to last year. They received less than a quarter of all Grammys (23%), a 14 percentage point drop from last year’s high of 37% and the lowest level since 2022.

This fall has been partly a reflection of women’s declining recognition as Grammy nominees. Women’s representation peaked at under a third (28%) of all nominations last year, and this year just one in four nominations (24%) were given to women.

Despite Lady Gaga’s encouraging words for women to own their music as producers, their fight for a seat at the producers’ table is yet to yield results. Since its introduction 51 years ago, no woman has ever won the coveted Grammy for producer of the year, non-classical. Last year, Alissia became only the tenth woman to even earn a nomination in the category but lost out to Daniel Nigro. This year, all five nominees were male.

Addy and I have previously conducted a year-long data-led investigation of over 9,700 Grammy nominations and over 2,200 wins between 2017, revealing that it takes a village of men to raise a superstar, female or male. The winners of record, album and song of the year – three of the four most coveted Grammy awards – typically come on stage to collect their trophy alone.

In reality, however, they share their award with numerous producers, engineers and mixers, who are overwhelmingly male. So music icons like Beyoncé or Taylor Swift collecting their individual awards masks the male dominated structures behind these wins. For example, Bad Bunny, this year’s album of the year winner, has received it alongside 12 male producers, songwriters and technicians who were not on stage with him.

Despite women’s consistently high visibility at the Recording Academy nominee announcements and broadcasts over the year, their recognition across the Grammys has remained peripheral compared to men’s. Since 2017, 76% of nominations and wins across all categories have been awarded to men. By contrast, women have been nominated for and won only one in five Grammys in the same period.

Research consistently shows that the reasons women remain marginalised in the Grammys and in music more generally, are deeply structural and multifaceted.

Although the Recording Academy’s mission is to advance a strong culture of diversity, inclusion, belonging and respect in the music industry, women remain marginalised as Recording Academy members. The proportion of Grammy voting members who are women has grown from 21% (2018) to 28% (2024). But this growth rate will only deliver gender parity in 2051.

This slow growth is likely linked to 69% of voting members being songwriters, composers, producers and engineers, roles in which women’s marginalisation has repeatedly been reported to be highest. For example, the latest Inclusion In the Recording Studio report from from USC Annenberg Initiative revealed the overall ratio of men to women songwriters in Billboard Hot 100 year-end charts across 13 years is 6.2 to 1.

Our assessment of 67 academic papers and reports in our report, The Missing Voices of Women in Music and Music News, revealed that gender discrimination, sexual harassment and sexual violence consistently hinder women’s success in music, as do pay gaps, women’s cultural exclusion from the “boys club” and limited discovery and promotional opportunities. According to Be The Change: Gender equity in music, a 2024 report from consultancy Midia based on research conducted across 133 countries 60% of women in the music industry have experienced sexual harassment while one in five women have survived sexual assault.

The evidence points to a reality in which no matter women’s talent or determination to succeed, they will only be able to do so if the music industry changes. Until then, we are unlikely to see women achieving recognition parity at the Grammys or any other music awards.

Luba Kassova is a co-founder of AKAS, an audience strategy consultancy which works with primarily purpose led not-for-profit organisations. In the past AKAS has received funding from the Gates Foundation for researching the Missing Perspectives of Women reports published between 2020 and 2025. The research of 2026 Grammy nominations and winners, which will form the backbone of a forthcoming report, has not received any external funding.

Trump-style unpredictability isn’t just political theatre – it’s a regulatory problem for your brain

2026-02-02T14:05:28Z

Vitalii Vodolazskyi/Shutterstock.com

Donald Trump can change the temperature of a room with a sentence. One minute he is certain, the next he is backtracking. One day he is threatening, the next he is hinting at a deal. Even before anything concrete happens, people brace for his next turn.

That reaction is not just political. It is what unpredictability does to any system that requires stability. To act at all, you need some working sense of what is happening and what is likely to happen next.

One influential framework in brain science called predictive processing suggests the mind does not wait passively for events. It constantly guesses what will happen, checks those guesses against reality, and adjusts.

A brain that predicts can prepare, even when what it prepares for is uncertainty. The gap between what you expect and what actually happens is known as a prediction error. These gaps are not mistakes but the basis of learning. When they resolve, the brain updates its picture of the world and moves on.

This is not about what anyone intends, but about what unpredictability does to systems that need some stability to work. Trouble starts when mismatches do not resolve because the source keeps changing. People are told one thing, then the opposite, then told the evidence was never real.

The brain may struggle to settle on what to trust, so uncertainty stays high. In this view, attention is how the brain weighs up what counts as best evidence, and turns the volume up on some signals and down on others.

Uncertainty can be worse than bad news

When this keeps happening, it’s hard to get closure. Effort is spent checking and second guessing. That is one reason why uncertainty can feel worse than bad news. Bad news closes the question, uncertainty keeps it open. When expectations will not stabilise, the body stays on standby, prepared for many possible futures at once.

One idea from this theory is that there are two broad ways to deal with persistent mismatch. One is to change your expectations by getting better information and revising your view. The other is to change the situation so that outcomes become more predictable. You either update the model, or you act to make the world easier to deal with.

On the world stage, flattery can be a crude version of the second route, an attempt to make a volatile person briefly easier to predict. Everyday life shows the same pattern, such as unpredictable workplaces. When priorities change without warning, people cannot anticipate what is required. Extra effort may go into reducing uncertainty rather than doing the job.

Research links this kind of unpredictability to higher daily stress and poorer wellbeing.

The same pattern shows up in close relationships. When someone is unpredictable, people scan tone and try to guess whether today brings warmth or conflict. It can look obsessive, but it is often an attempt to avoid the wrong move.

Studies link unpredictable early environments to poorer emotional control and more strained relationships later in life.

The strain does not stay in thought alone. The brain does a lot more than thinking. A big part of its work is regulating the body, such as the heart rate, energy use and the meaning of bodily sensations.

It does this by anticipating what the body will need next. When those anticipations cannot settle, regulation becomes costly.

Words matter here in a literal sense. Language does not just convey information. It shapes expectations, which changes how the body feels.

Trump can do this at a distance. A few words about a situation can raise or lower the stakes for people, whether in Minneapolis or Iran. The point is that signals from powerful, volatile sources force others to revise their models and prepare their bodies for what might come next.

Communication is a form of regulation. Clarity and consistency help other people settle. Volatility and contradiction keep them on edge.

When a single voice can repeatedly unsettle expectations across millions of people, unpredictability stops being a personal stress and becomes a collective regulatory problem.

How to deal with unpredictability

So what helps when unpredictability keeps pulling your attention? Try checking for new information if it changes your next step or plan, otherwise it just keeps the uncertainty alive.

When a source keeps changing, reduce the effort spent trying to decode it. Switch to action. Set a rule that makes the next step predictable. For example, read the news at 8am, then stop and get on with your day.

Learn where not to look. When messages keep reversing, the problem is not a lack of information, it is an unreliable source.

Biological systems survive by limiting wasted predictions. Sometimes that means changing your expectations; sometimes it means changing the situation. And sometimes it means accepting that when Donald Trump is talking, the safest move is to stop trying to predict what comes next.

Robin Bailey does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

Your genes matter more for lifespan now than they did a century ago – here’s why

2026-02-02T14:05:26Z

buritora/Shutterstock.com

How much do your genes determine how long you’ll live? It’s a question that fascinates us, and one that’s been debated for decades. For years, the answer seemed settled – genes account for about 20–25% of the variation in human lifespan, with the rest down to lifestyle and environment.

But a new study published in Science has challenged this view, suggesting the genetic contribution might be considerably higher.

The reason, according to the researchers, is that previous estimates failed to account for how the causes of death have changed over time. A century ago, many people died from what scientists call extrinsic causes – accidents, infections and other external threats.

Today, in developed countries at least, most deaths result from intrinsic causes: the gradual wearing out of our bodies through ageing and age-related diseases like dementia and heart disease.

To get a clearer picture, the research team analysed large groups of Scandinavian twins, carefully excluding deaths from external causes. They also studied twins who were raised apart and siblings of centenarians in the US.

When they stripped away deaths from accidents and infections, the estimated genetic contribution jumped dramatically – from the familiar 20–25% to around 50–55%.

The pattern makes sense when you look at individual diseases. Genetics explain much of the variation in dementia risk, have an intermediate effect on heart disease, and play a relatively modest role in cancer. As environments become more favourable, populations age and diseases caused by the ageing process itself become more common, the genetic component naturally appears larger.

Our genes haven’t become more powerful

But here’s where interpretation becomes crucial. A higher estimate doesn’t mean genes have suddenly become more powerful, nor does it mean you can only influence half your chances of reaching old age. What’s changed is the environment, not our DNA.

Consider human height as an example. A hundred years ago, how tall you grew depended heavily on whether you had enough food and whether childhood illnesses stunted your growth.

Today, in wealthy nations, nearly everyone gets adequate nutrition. Because these environmental differences have narrowed, most of the remaining variation in height is now explained by genetic differences – not because nutrition has stopped mattering, but because most people now reach their genetic potential. However, a malnourished child will still fail to grow tall, regardless of their genes.

The same principle applies to lifespan. As we’ve improved vaccination, reduced pollution, enhanced diet and adopted healthier lifestyles, we’ve lessened the overall impact of environmental factors.

When environmental variation decreases, the proportion of remaining variation attributed to genetics – what scientists call “heritability” – increases by mathematical necessity. The earlier estimates weren’t wrong; they simply reflected different historical circumstances.

Your genes haven’t changed. The environment has. romakhan3595/Shutterstock.com

This reveals something fundamental: heritability isn’t a fixed biological property but a measure that depends entirely on the population and circumstances you’re looking at. The traditional 20–25% figure described lifespan as it was actually experienced in historical populations, where external threats loomed large.

The new 50–55% estimate describes a different scenario where those threats have been largely removed – essentially describing a different trait.

The headline figure of lifespan being around “50% heritable” risks being misunderstood as meaning genes determine half of a person’s life chances. In reality, the genetic contribution for any given individual can range from very small to very large depending on their circumstances.

There are countless routes to a long life: some people have robust genetic profiles that protect them even in difficult conditions, while others compensate for less favourable genetics through excellent nutrition, exercise and healthcare. Each person represents a unique combination, and many different combinations can result in exceptional longevity.

Which combinations prove most common depends entirely on the population and the conditions in which people live and age. As external causes of death continue to decline in the real world – though they won’t disappear entirely – it will be fascinating to see how these patterns evolve.

The authors of this latest study admit that about half of lifespan variation still depends on environment, lifestyle, healthcare and random biological processes, such as cells dividing out of control in cancer. Their work, they argue, should renew efforts to identify the genetic mechanisms involved in ageing and longevity. Understanding how different genetic factors interact with different environments is probably the key to explaining why some people live much longer than others.

The study offers valuable insights into how different types of mortality have shaped our understanding of lifespan. But its results are best understood as showing how heritability changes across different contexts, rather than establishing a single, universal genetic contribution to how long we live.

In the end, both genes and environment matter. And, perhaps more importantly, they matter together. So whether that feels like good news or bad news, you will probably never get a simple answer to how much of your lifespan is determined by genes alone.

Karin Modig receives funding from Swedish Research Council for Health, Working Life and Welfare and from Karolinska Institutets research funds.

Critics of Keir Starmer’s trip to China are missing these two important points

2026-02-02T14:04:32Z

Flickr/Number 10, CC BY

When I spoke to a European journalist about British prime minister Keir Starmer’s visit to China at the end of January, they laughed about the controversy it had caused: “I mean, when most other leaders go to China, it’s taken as something they should do, rather than having to justify.” In the last few months, France, Canada, and soon South Korea and Germany, will all see high-level visits to Beijing without generating the levels of heat and discussion the British one has.

It is true that Britain has a very specific relationship with China which never makes for easy partnership. In the so-called narrative of “national humiliation” promoted by the Chinese government – covering the period over the 19th and 20th century when the country was partially colonised and, at times, invaded – Britain played a leading role..

Even so, these are events well predating living memory. In no way can China be seen as a victim today. Over the last half a century, it has transformed, overtaking the UK in almost every way, from the size of its economy to its military power and global influence. Even in the area of technology and innovation, it is now outpacing the UK.

Despite this, both sides seem to continue finding ways to argue with each other. Last year there was the furore over the claims of espionage made by the UK against two British nationals. They denied all charges and the case against them was dropped abruptly, after the Crown Prosecution Service decided the evidence did not show China was a threat to national security. This caused angry claims that the government was simply placating Beijing.

A similar situation occurred recently when, after much delay, the planned new embassy for China in London was finally given approval, eight years after the site was bought.

All of this preceded Starmer’s trip to Beijing. He landed to a fanfare of military guard trumpets, even as the main chorus back home was critical and dismissive. Conservative party leader Kemi Badenoch declared that his going was not in the national interest and that, were she in office, she would not have visited.

The brute reality is that in 2026, there are two very tangible and very urgent reasons why Britain and China need to talk to each other as never before. The first is the intensifying realisation that the US is no longer the stable, predictable partner it always was before this.

President Trump is raising daily questions about things that were once assumed to be relatively durable. His proposed foray into Greenland, while seemingly resolved in January, raised the real spectre of the US not just being in dispute with key allies but engaging in outright conflict.

For the first time ever, Britain and China are faced with the same problem – what to make of America’s behaviour, and what to do about it – even if this throws up respectively very different issues. For Starmer, the worry is about how to manage the UK’s greatest security partner as it, at times, no longer seems to want to secure so much as disrupt. For China, it is what to do about preserving its interests globally when an order once underpinned by the US is facing away.

Starmer visits the Forbidden City. Flickr/Number10, CC BY

But secondly, we have to return to the staggering speed and scale of China’s technology rise. For research and development in areas that matter to the UK, from environment to life sciences to AI, the risk of not engaging with Beijing is far higher than the alternative. This dramatic change doesn’t seem to be properly understood by many of the most critical domestic voices about Starmer’s visit, not least the politicians with the most hawkish views on China.

For those truly concerned about the UK’s security and national interest, the problem is not that a British prime minister has visited Beijing. Rather, it is that it has been eight years since the last time one did so.

The more Britain continues to bicker and argue even about straightforward contact, the less it will be able to work out how to navigate the new geopolitics – and what to do about a world where access to Chinese technology is not an option, but a necessity.

Kerry Brown does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

How mental health has changed in baby boomers and gen X across their entire adulthoods

2026-02-02T12:55:43Z

The lifelong mental health impact of socioeconomic inequalities were even larger in women from the Baby Boomer generation. PerfectWave/ Shutterstock

It’s been almost five years since the end of the COVID lockdowns. Yet the world is still continuing to learn about how mental health changed during – and after – this unprecedented time.

My colleagues and I wanted to understand how mental health had changed across the life course of baby boomers and generation X – including during and beyond the pandemic.

We also wanted to understand if (and how) gender and socioeconomic inequalities had changed throughout these periods. Previous research we’d conducted had shown that large, existing gender inequalities in mental ill-health had widened during the pandemic period.

Moreover, the post-lockdown period came with a marked increase in the cost of living – making ends meet harder in a context where there had already been high levels of poverty for decades before.

We found that, on average, mental health bounced back to levels similar to those recorded before the pandemic. However, women and people from socioeconomically disadvantaged backgrounds continued to experience worse mental health across their adult lives, including after the pandemic. And those inequalities could be traced back to their early lives.

To conduct our study, we analysed data from two nationally representative British birth cohorts: the 1958 National Child Development Study and the 1970 British Cohort Study.

These ongoing studies follow the lives of all people born in Britain during one particular week in 1958 and 1970. Information is collected on each participant’s physical and mental health, as well as their social, economic and family circumstances.

These studies gave us the unique opportunity to investigate how different outcomes – including mental health – changed across the life course in baby boomers and generation X.

For our study, we looked at the same 14,182 people over up to four decades: 6,553 of whom were born in 1958 and 7,629 who were born in 1970.

We used the same measure of psychological distress (which encompasses a range of unpleasant mental states, such as feeling depressed, worried or scared) in both cohorts. This allowed us to understand how mental health had changed in the same participants throughout their adult lives – between the ages of 23-64 for baby boomers and 26-52 for generation X.

To ensure our results weren’t due to differences in measurement, we tested this tool to ensure it provided comparable measures across cohorts, genders, socioeconomic backgrounds and ages.

To examine inequalities by gender and socioeconomic background, we used information on sex assigned at birth, parental social class and housing tenure (whether their parents owned or rented their home) when participants were children (aged five-11).

We also examined the intersection of gender and socioeconomic background to understand any dual impact these inequalities may have on mental health throughout adulthood.

What we found

In both cohorts, mental health was generally at its best during a person’s 30s. But, from middle age, average levels of psychological distress began to increase.

During the pandemic, both cohorts experienced a marked increase in psychological distress. Levels reached, and in some cases surpassed, the highest distress levels they’d experienced in any other period of their lives.

In the post-lockdown period, average distress levels declined – largely returning to pre-pandemic levels. While generation X had higher average distress levels across adulthood, post-pandemic improvements were smaller for baby boomers.

Women and people who grew up in socioeconomically disadvantaged households consistently reported higher psychological distress throughout their lives compared to men and people from more advantaged backgrounds. These inequalities, which were already visible in the participants’ 20s, were still present when they were in their 50s or 60s.

Among baby boomers, socioeconomic inequalities were even larger in women – showing a dual effect.

The changing picture of mental health

We were able to track how mental health changed in the same people through different periods in their lives. This also allowed us to identify potential risk factors for poor mental health.

Our study showed further evidence of the life-long impact of gender and socioeconomic disadvantage. These factors are already known to be among the key social determinants of mental health.

Although our study didn’t investigate the specific ways in which these life-long inequalities in mental ill-health came to happen, we believe these inequalities reflect the unfair distribution of opportunities, power and privilege in society. In other words, our findings may reflect the long-term impact of sexism, classism and material deprivation – and the ways these inequalities overlap.

Sexism, classism and material deprivation in childhood had long-term impacts on mental health. CandyRetriever/ Shutterstock

Women and young girls have long been at greater risk of experiencing a number of mental health difficulties. Factors such as sexual violence, safety concerns, labour market discrimination and the unequal distribution of unpaid care work all potentially contribute to this.

Similarly, early-life socioeconomic disadvantage can limit or preclude access to certain resources, such as wealth and knowledge, which can be protective of mental health.

The finding that socioeconomic inequalities were even larger in women from the baby boomer generation may be partly explained by societal changes in the second-half of the 20th century. Changes such as the expansion of women’s education and labour-market participation and small improvements in the gender pay gap may have had a protective effect on mental health for women born in generation X.

In our view, this supports the idea that these inequalities can, indeed, be prevented.

Future of mental health

One one hand, our findings show the remarkable resilience of two British generations when faced with the challenges the pandemic brought.

But on the other hand, our findings also highlight the unfair, life-long factors that can contribute to poor mental health – factors that are largely down to chance.

Around one in three children in the UK currently living in poverty. Global gender equality is stalling – and, in some cases, even going backwards. Finding ways of addressing these inequalities will be key in improving mental health for younger generations.

Darío Moreno-Agostino receives funding from the Wellcome Trust under grant number 304283/Z/23/Z, and has received funding from the Economic and Social Research Council (ESRC) Centre for Society and Mental Health at King's College London under grant number ES/S012567/1. The views expressed here are those of the author and not necessarily those of the Wellcome Trust, ESRC, or King's College London.

The healing power of poisonous plants

2026-02-02T12:55:41Z

Triff/Shutterstock

Some of the best-known medicines come from poisonous plants. The chemotherapy drug taxol comes from the yew tree, morphine from the opium poppy and digoxin from the foxglove. These plants can have lethal toxicity if taken in their raw form. Digoxin is prescribed to treat angina at doses a thousand times more dilute than most prescription medications, highlighting the plant’s extreme potency.

Many people consider herbal medicines a safe alternative to pharmaceuticals. And it’s true that many herbal medicines are fairly mild. However, there is a less well-known group of herbal medicines that are far more potent and controlled under the Medicines Act, where they are restricted to use by medical herbalists and at strictly defined dosages.

Many people think of plants as nice-looking greens. Essential for clean air, yes, but simple organisms. A step change in research is shaking up the way scientists think about plants: they are far more complex and more like us than you might imagine. This blossoming field of science is too delightful to do it justice in one or two stories. This article is part of a series, Plant Curious, exploring scientific studies that challenge the way you view plantlife.

These are known as the schedule 20 herbs in the UK and are prescribed for a variety of health needs. All of these plants are toxic at relatively low doses, mainly due to the presence of chemical compounds called alkaloids, which also have healing properties.

Here are ten examples of these deadly, healing plants.

1. Wild saffron

Known as wild saffron or the autumn crocus, Colchicum autumnale is one of the oldest known medicinal plants. It was first mentioned in the Egyptian medical text, Ebers Papyrus (circa 1550BC), where it was described for the treatment of pain and swelling. It is still used in medicine, chiefly for its anti-inflammatory properties and particularly for the treatment of gouty arthritis.

2. Deadly nightshade

Atropa belladonna is commonly known as deadly nightshade. All parts of the plant are pain relieving, antispasmodic, hallucinogenic, narcotic and sedative. Containing tropane alkaloids (the same group as cocoaine), it is used predominantly for the gastrointestinal tract (colic, gastritis, IBS), but also for asthma and for urinary spasm, Parkinson’s disease and topically for pain relief.

Deadly nightshade has healing properties too. Greens and Blues/Shutterstock

3. Greater celandine

Greater celandine is often seen when walking in the woods. It has a long history of medical use in eastern and central European folk medicine to treat asthma, bronchitis, jaundice, digestive issues and even cancer. However, due to the presence of isoquinoline alkaloids, it has the potential to cause severe liver toxicity when ingested and many experts advise against its use. It can be used relatively safely as a poultice or cream to treat warts and verrucae.

Greater celandine is common in woodland. Zhanna Bohovin/Shutterstock

4. White quebracho

White quebracho is a tropical tree from South America. Rich in indole alkaloids, which are also present in psychoactive drug psilocybin, it has traditionally been used to treat fever, malaria, swellings, stomach upsets, cough, headaches, syphilis, impotence and asthma.

5. Fever tree

Species of chinchona or “fever tree” have been used worldwide to treat malaria. The drug quinine is extracted from its bark. It was introduced into Europe in the 17th century for the treatment of fevers. Although it is commonly used as an appetite stimulant, recent research has suggested that it may have a role to play in weight management and obesity too.

6. Thorn apple

Datura stramonium or thorn apple has traditionally been used for various ailments including respiratory conditions, ulcers, wounds, inflammation, rheumatism and gout, sciatica, bruises and swellings and fever. Modern research has shown that it may also have potential in the treatment of epilepsy.

Thorn apple may look fragile but it is a restricted drug. Roman Nerud/Shutterstock

7. Ephedra sinica

Ephedra sinica has been known in traditional Chinese medicine for approximately 5,000 years. The plant contains the alkaloids ephedrine and pseudoephedrine, some of the first drugs to be used in the treatment of respiratory conditions. Side effects can include psychosis, delusions and hallucinations, which is one of the reasons drugs obtained from this plant were restricted in the UK in 2014 for cough and cold remedies for use in young children. The psychoactive properties of ephedra also explain its notoriety as a recreational drug and a number of deaths in the US have been linked to its misuse.

8. Henbane

Plants in the nightshade family, including henbane, are potent medicinal plants. They are purported to have anti-diabetic, antioxidant, anticancer, insecticidal, antiasthmatic, antiallergic, antidiarrhoeal, cardioprotective, anticonvulsant and antidepressant effects but more research is needed. However they also contain psychoactive compounds that can cause delirium and hallucinations.

Henbane is no mild herb. mutie/Shutterstock

9. Pheasant’s eye

Adonis vernalis, (pheasant’s eye) leaves and flowers have long been used in European and east Asian folk medicine to treat cardiovascular conditions. Studies have shown the chemical constituents within this plant also have antimicrobial and anti-inflammatory effects. The cardiovascular effects are largely attributed to the cardiac glycosides (chemicals that slow down heart rate) contained within this plant, which are also responsible for its toxicity, in a similar way to the foxglove.

10. Lily of the valley

A common poisonous plant often found in the garden, lily of the valley, has historically been used to treat cardiovascular conditions such as arrythmias, heart failure and angina. Another plant that contains cardiac glycosides, its common presence in gardens is a particular danger for children and pets.

Other toxic healers

Not all toxic plants are on the schedule 20 list however. Garden herbs comfrey and borage contain pyrrolizidine alkaloids that can be toxic to the liver and comfrey has been banned for medicinal use in many European countries. Comfrey, also known as knitbone, is mainly used topically as an anti-inflammatory and analgesic for acute sprains and strains or more chronic conditions such as osteoarthritis.

Belonging to the same family, borage is not that well known as a medicinal herb in the UK, whereas in Mediterranean countries it has a strong reputation for treating a range of conditions. It is credited with sedative properties, useful for insomnia, and dizziness and melancholy. In gynaecology, it can shift postpartum exhaustion, and helps with the symptoms of menopause. The oil from this plant contains negligible amounts of these alkaloids and supplements are often processed to remove the toxicity.

In the UK there are several professional associations that hold a register of qualified medical herbalists. Learning the right dosage to give a patient was just as important for folk healers. Modern science may help us verify which plants are best for healing but getting the dosage right is an ancient skill.

Anthony Booker is affiliated with The Royal Society of Chemistry, The Register of Chinese Herbal Medicine, The British Pharmacopoeia, The Medicines and Healthcare Products Regulatory Agency, The American Botanical Council, The British Herbal Medicine Association and The European Scientific Cooperative on Phytotherapy..

Drastic water shortages and air pollution are fuelling Iran’s protests

2026-02-02T12:55:40Z

This dry landscape in Iran was once the sixth largest salt lake in the world. solmaz daryani/Shutterstock

This roundup of The Conversation’s climate coverage was first published in our award-winning weekly climate action newsletter, Imagine.

“Iran is experiencing not one environmental crisis but the convergence of several: water shortages, land subsidence, air pollution and energy failure. All added together, life is a struggle for survival.”

This is the situation inside Iran as described by Nima Shokri, an environmental engineer who works on global challenges related to the environment. Shokri highlights a rarely discussed factor in relation to this year’s massive protests across Iran: the severe challenges Iranians are struggling with every day, affecting their ability to simply carry on living.

The air is polluted, the water is drying out and the land collapsing. Many Iranian farmers have been forced to give up their homes and land, and flee to the edges of cities in the hope of just surviving. Their land is cracking and disappearing, and it is no longer possible to grow crops or keep animals alive.

City dwellers are struggling with major water shortages too. On top of that extremely high air pollution levels are forcing hospitals and schools to close, and rising numbers of medical cases are being linked to bad air.

Kevani Madani talks about Iran’s long term water problems.

Living in that environment, it’s no wonder that people feel desperate. As Shokri has pointed out many centres of the massive protests seen in Iran in the past few weeks, where an estimated 30,000 people have been killed, are in places where people are dealing with the most severe environmental challenges.

Of course, these air, land and water issues are not the only reason why thousands of people are on the streets of this country, where they must live with the decisions of a government that wants to decide who is allowed to walk on the streets and what people, women especially, are allowed to wear.

Struggle for basics

But these basics of having clean water and air that you can breathe without damaging your health are impossible for anyone to ignore.

These conditions haven’t just happened without human intervention. Iran’s leaders have made policy choices over the years that have escalated the environmental challenges that many around the world are seeing, such as reduced rainfall. Water intensive agriculture has been encouraged, groundwater has been excessively pumped out, heavy fuel used, and environmental regulation has been weak.

As environmental journalist Sanam Mahoozi and chemical engineer Salome M.S. Shokri-Kuehni wrote, along with Shokri, a few weeks ago, early in January 2026 Iran’s capital ranked as the most polluted city in the world.

Local media were reporting more than 350 deaths linked to worsening air quality over ten days during December 2025. And studies indicate that more than 59,000 Iranians die prematurely every year from air pollution-related illnesses.

The Iranian government has failed to protect its people from these escalating crises. In fact, as the three authors argue, its decisions has put them at more risk. And these day-to-day survival issues along with escalating political repression and economic fragility has left desperate people desperate for change, and a country on the edge of collapse.

Iran is not the only country that is experiencing a water crisis that its government hasn’t shown signs of knowing how to manage, and where people are struggling to cope. Mexicans are living with conditions caused by years of drought. Reservoirs that used to supply millions with water are drying up. Some people report spending a quarter of their income on water, while others walk 30 minutes to even find a supply.

Water shortages are projected to affect 30 of 32 Mexican states by the year 2050, Natasha Lindstaedt, a professor of government at the University of Essex who researches human security and climate change, writes. And Mexico’s water crisis is compounded by being forced to send part of its water supply to the US due to a just over 80-year-old agreement between the two countries.

Global crisis

About four billion people – nearly half the global population – live with severe water scarcity for at least one month a year. They are going without access to sufficient water to meet all of their needs, writes Kaveh Madani, director of the Institute for Water, Environment and Health at United Nations University and the author of a new report by UN scientists on water scarcity.

Mexico has been suffering from long periods of drought.

The consequences of water deficit are being seen around the world: dry reservoirs, sinking cities, crop failures, water rationing and more frequent wildfires and dust storms.

One massive consequence of short-term water policies, often related to agriculture, is subsidence. And as Madani explains when groundwater is overpumped, the underground structure, which holds water almost like a sponge, can collapse. And it can be impossible for it to recover.

In Mexico City, land is sinking by about 25cm per year. In Iran, subsidence is up to 30cm per year, affecting areas where around 14 million people live, more than one-fifth of the population.

The UN report sets out a drastic situation: the world is starting to experience water bankruptcy. This is beyond a crisis. It is long term condition, where cities or regions use more water than nature can reliably replace, where the damage to the environment is so catastrophic that it becomes almost impossible hard to reverse.

And while water becomes such a valuable resource, tension between those who have it and those who don’t is only going to increase.

To contact The Conversation’s environment team, please email imagine@theconversation.com. We’d love to hear your feedback, ideas and suggestions and we read every email, thank you.

To cry or not to cry: how moving the audience to tears can backfire

2026-02-02T12:55:39Z

“One must have a heart of stone not to read about the death of little Nell without laughing” was Oscar Wilde’s notorious response to the emotional onslaught of Charles Dickens’s 1841 novel, The Old Curiosity Shop. Having watched two films in two weeks about the death of a child, it offers a clue as to why I cried in only one.

In her journals, the novelist Helen Garner writes: “Sentimentality keeps looking over its shoulder to see how you’re taking it. Emotion doesn’t give a shit whether anyone’s looking or not.” Is the presence of sentiment the reason I was dry-eyed at the end of one film and in pieces at the end of the other?

Chloe Zhao’s acclaimed adaptation of Maggie O'Farrell’s 2020 novel Hamnet promises tears aplenty, given its focus on how the death of Shakespeare’s son influenced the writing of Hamlet. Child mortality is inescapably tragic, and yet too often I found myself wincing at Max Richter’s insistent score or scoffing at scenes of groundlings at the Globe blubbing. I left without shedding a tear, only to find the cinema full of weeping couples comforting each other.

I knew Tunisian director Kaouther Ben Hania’s The Voice of Hind Rajab – a forensic account of the last hours of a six-year-old girl under fire in Gaza in January 2024 – was going to be a tough watch. This time, by the credits, I was on the floor, choked with tears of rage.

There’s an obvious explanation for these opposing reactions. Hind Rajab was a real child caught up in the IDF’s assault on Gaza whereas Hamnet’s death is distant in time. However I suspect my emotional dissonance stems from Zhao working flat out to make me cry, as opposed to Ben Hania, The Voice of Hind Rajab’s director, forcing me to get over myself and bear witness.

A brief history of art and weeping

How do we evaluate such manipulations? In the history of drama the place of weeping is ambivalent. Tragedy’s tendency to elicit and “purge” emotion is first described in Aristotle’s Poetics, his anatomy of the power of drama in 5th century BC Athens. Aristotle suggests that plays such as Oedipus Tyrannos provoke katharsis in the audience – a collective raising and purging of feeling.

The trailer for Hamnet.

From then on, the literature of crying is sparse, although cultural historian Tom Lutz’s book Crying: The Natural and Cultural History of Tears usefully defines it as “a surplus of feeling over thinking”, eliciting a “gestural language of tears”.

In the late 18th century, a cult of “sensibility” pushed back against conventional notions of emotional restraint and “reason”. Instead, writers and taste-makers favoured heightened sensitivity and emotional fluency. This is epitomised in the heroes of novels such as The Man of Feeling by Henry Mackenzie (1771), which made hitherto indecorous public displays of abjection fashionable.

Yet around the same time, the French philosopher Denis Diderot outlined the paradox of the actor (smiling as they weep or weeping as they smile), challenging the idea that to induce emotion art must express emotion. This notion is definitively expressed in Roman poet Horace’s long reflective poem Ars Poetica which suggests: “If you would have me weep, you must first feel the passion of grief yourself.”

There’s a gendered dimension to this debate. In parading my resistance to tearing up, am I simply contributing to a tradition of patronising melodrama? Terms such as “weepies” or “tearjerker” or “the woman’s picture” reveal a disdain for emotion which risks writing off cinematic masterpieces by filmmakers like Douglas Sirk or George Cukor, such as Imitation of Life (1959) or A Star is Born (1937).

But there may be a simpler answer to this question: is the direct representation of emotion to provoke emotion in fact a turn-off? Watching Jessie Buckley and Paul Mescal give way to their grief in Hamnet made my own feelings surplus to requirements. It left me yearning for German playwright Bertolt Brecht’s push-back on what he called “the narcotics industry” of Hollywood. Puzzling over my resistance to Hamnet, called to mind an observation made by director Peter Hall in his 2000 lectures Exposed by the Mask. In them, he argues that if you wish to reduce an audience to tears, you don’t show a child crying – you show a child attempting not to cry.

The trailer for Hamnet.

That insight explains the force of The Voice of Hind Rajab, with its eponymous heroine braving out her terrifying circumstances. The film has the tact to evade direct representation of her predicament. As Hind speaks, we’re exposed to a naked screen where the raw audio recording is experienced as mere sound waves. The tact of that refusal to represent places the burden on the viewer to question their own emotional response.

After the shock of this trauma, we turn our attention to the paralysed “rescuers” who painstakingly seek to coordinate an eight-minute ambulance journey into the zone of combat. Their reactions – rage and grief – and their attempt to maintain their cool both governs and splits our feelings. For them, crying is an indulgence, they are too busy trying to save a life. We do the crying for them.

The poet John Keats suggested that we “hate poetry that has a palpable design upon us”. Well, these two films evidently have designs on us; and yes, we all feel better after a good cry. But The Voice of Hind Rajab invites us to sit up and pay attention – and sometimes, tears are not enough.

Steve Waters has received funding from the AHRC.

Preventable deaths in a warming world: how politics shapes who lives and who dies

2026-02-02T12:55:37Z

Floods in Kolkata, West Bengal, India in 2019. ABHISHEK BASAK 90/Shutterstock

In Brownsville, Texas, three members of the Galvan family died after a malfunctioning air conditioner left them exposed to extreme heat. Aged between 60 and 82, all three had chronic health conditions, including diabetes and heart disease. This makes it harder for the body to regulate temperature and increases vulnerability to heat stress.

Nobody arrived to check on them until days after they had died in their apartment in 2024. This isolation also increases risk of heat-related deaths.

Although the immediate trigger appears to have been equipment failure, a pathologist attributed the deaths to extreme heat linked to chronic illness. Deaths like these are classified as “heat-related” when ambient temperatures exceed what bodies can safely tolerate.

Climate change is a contributing factor. As heatwaves become more frequent, intense and prolonged, routine failures in cooling, power or housing infrastructure are more likely to turn existing vulnerability into fatal harm.

Around the world, climate-related deaths follow consistent social patterns. People who are older, already ill, economically disadvantaged, or working outdoors are most affected.

The Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (the UN’s climate science advisory group) concludes that roughly 3.3 billion to 3.6 billion people – nearly half of the world’s population – are highly vulnerable to climate risks, with limited capacity to cope. Here, vulnerability is not simply exposure to environmental hazards. Who is protected and who is left at risk depends on social and infrastructural conditions.

Research in climate science, public health and social sciences shows these patterns are clear. My own research spans ecosystem ecology and social science. I examine how climate knowledge is produced, interpreted and acted upon in times of ecological emergency.

The evidence points to an uncomfortable conclusion: much of this suffering is preventable.

The necropolitics of climate change

Cameroonian historian Achille Mbembe introduced the idea of “necropolitics” to explain how some lives come to be treated as more expendable than others. This does not imply intent to kill, but rather the routine political acceptance that some people will be exposed to harm.

From this perspective, the Galvans’ deaths were shaped not only by heat, but by structural inequalities and gaps in policy and infrastructure.

This logic is visible globally. In south Asia and the Middle East, heatwaves claim the lives of elderly people and outdoor workers. In sub-Saharan Africa, floods and droughts disproportionately affect subsistence farmers.

In the UK, air pollution is linked to roughly 30,000 deaths annually. People from ethnic minority and low-income communities are more likely to live in the most polluted areas. These deaths are not random. They follow recognisable social patterns.

Floods hit villages in the Jhenaigati upazila of Sherpur district, Bangladesh on October 6 2024. amdadphoto/Shutterstock

Mbembe’s concept helps describe situations where political, economic or social arrangements leave some populations consistently exposed to harm. That includes climate-vulnerable communities, places where resources are being extracted through mining or areas where people are displaced from their homes. In the US, “Drill, baby, drill!” has re-emerged as shorthand for prioritising fossil fuel extraction over emissions reduction.

These political and economic choices create consistent patterns of vulnerability for environmental risks, from extreme heat to floods and air pollution. Structural neglect, not personal behaviour, underlies the distribution of harm.

Yet, vulnerability is not fate. Heat provides a clear example. With early warning systems, targeted outreach, and timely intervention, many such fatalities can be prevented. As epidemiologist Kristie Ebi notes: “Those deaths are preventable … people don’t need to die in the heat”.

The same is true across climate risks. Even with systemic neglect, deliberate and coordinated action can reduce risk. Connecting social, infrastructural, and institutional responses to climate hazards is a crucial step.

Slow violence as a climate process

Environmental humanist Rob Nixon uses the term “slow violence” to describe harms that accumulate gradually and often invisibly over time. Unlike sudden disasters, the effects of rising temperatures, drought and ecological degradation unfold quietly.

You cannot make a disaster movie out of slow violence. Its harm builds incrementally, striking those already most vulnerable. The deaths of the Galvans exemplify this slow burn, as do the lives lost to prolonged heat exposure, crop failure and environmental degradation worldwide.

People least responsible for emissions, primarily in developing countries, are most exposed to escalating climate harms. Viewed through a necropolitical lens, slow violence shows how neglect becomes lethal through the repeated failure to prevent known and predictable harms.

Feminist theorist Donna Haraway coined the term “Chthulucene”, from the Greek chthonic (“of the earth”), to describe an era defined by entangled relationships between humans, other species and the ecosystems they depend on.

Rather than treating environmental harm as separate from social life, this perspective emphasises how vulnerability emerges through the everyday connections between people, institutions and environments. As Haraway argues harm accumulates through these relationships, revealing how exposure to climate risks, political neglect and ecological stress reinforce one another over time.

This dynamic is visible in Vietnam’s Mekong Delta, one of the world’s most productive rice-growing regions. Here, saltwater intrusion is creeping inland, damaging vast areas of farmland and threatening millions of livelihoods.

Rising sea levels and shifting climate patterns could affect up to 45% of the delta’s farmland by 2030, destabilising both local communities and global food systems. Social and ecological harm cannot be separated.

Politics of life, not death

Political choices amplify any existing environmental threat. Neglect is not a neutral absence: it is a political condition that shapes who lives and who suffers.

Addressing this injustice requires a living politics of care. This means a political system that recognises vulnerability as socially produced and demands solidarity, equity and accountability. Through alliances between affected communities, researchers and advocates who expose neglect, plus decision-makers under pressure to act, care can become politically unavoidable.

Neglect is no longer allowed to remain invisible in some parts of the world. Cities like Ahmedabad, India, are expanding heat mitigation and early-warning systems. Communities in the Mekong Delta are working with Vietnamese and international researchers to experiment with salt-tolerant crops.

Globally, ecocide laws that make large-scale destruction of ecosystems illegal are being introduced. This helps embed responsibility for environmental protection into legal and political systems. Even in the face of political neglect, targeted action and emerging legal frameworks can reduce harm and foster a more caring form of politics.

Aaron Thierry receives funding from ESRC. He is affiliated with Scientists for Extinction Rebellion.

Industry’s Faustian pact, a Welsh detective drama, and the return of Bridgerton – what to watch, read and listen to this week

2026-01-30T16:59:12Z

I don’t think my new year’s resolution – to take a lunch break every day – would much impress the cast of Industry. In the BBC show’s fourth series, the idea that work might pause politely at midday feels almost quaint, like a relic of a slower moral universe.

As our reviewer Peter Watt, who researches the philosophy of work culture, explains, when Industry first aired in 2020 it seemed ostensibly to be a drama about a recent cohort of ambitious young graduates entering the cut-throat world of investment banking. But as the opening season unfolded and its central characters were established, it became clear that although the trading floor of the fictional-but-all-so-familiar Pierpoint and Co. was its setting, this was not just a show about finance.

Now returning for season four, the show is exposing the Faustian pact of modern work culture. For the Industry cast (and so many of us in the real world) life no longer interrupts work – work is life.

Industry season four is streaming on BBC iplayer

Off-beat mysteries

A grizzled former detective reunites with their former partner to solve a case uncomfortably close to the one that got them kicked off the force. On paper, it’s familiar detective territory. But the new Sky Arts drama Under Salt Marsh quickly subverts expectations.

Jackie Ellis (Kelly Reilly) isn’t a chain-smoking, jaded old hand, but a middle-aged woman driven by the search for her missing niece. Her former partner Eric Bull (Rafe Spall) is no rigid rule-follower either: he’s a queer man with an encyclopaedic grasp of local flora and fauna. And he’s happy to investigate using all his senses, tasting ditchwater and chewing samphire.

Set against the rugged north-Welsh coast, our reviewer calls it “an excellent, environmentally engaged detective drama”.

Under Salt Marsh is streaming on Sky Arts

The trailer for Under Salts Marsh.

Mysteries of a more esoteric nature abound in Glyph, the new novel from Ali Smith with the same – yet different – title as her last novel, Gliff. While not obviously connected through either characters or subject matter, the characters of Glyph have read the novel Gliff, and discuss it.

While I don’t profess to always understand her novels, I love reading Smith. She’s one of the most experimental mainstream writers working in the UK, and I always find myself thinking about her work months – and in some cases even years – after turning the last page.

Bonnet season

Mark your calendars and don your best bonnet – Bridgerton is back. This season the focus is on bohemian second son Benedict who loves his freedom and is loath to settle down. For every person lapping up the drama, however, there’s another (usually very vocal) cynic.

Period drama expert Shelley Galpin explains why it’s a mistake to dismiss Bridgerton as fluffy period drama. To her mind, the show represents a complex interplay of the real – whether historical moments or relatable issues – with the fantastical, in its deliberately heightened aesthetics and swoonworthy romantic resolutions.

Bridgerton is streaming on Netflix

Bridgerton season four trailer.

For episode seven of Jane Austen’s Paper Trail, we’re doing something a little different. Rather than putting Austen under the microscope ourselves, we’re handing the questions over to you. We’ve received a virtual sack full of letters from you, ranging from questions about Austen’s religious beliefs to her grasp of contemporary science, and even what she might have made of social media.

Unlike Jane’s sister Cassandra Austen, however, we have no intention of throwing your letters into the flames. Instead, three experts join me to debate them – and, where possible, to settle them.

The type of job you do could be affecting your ability to save money – and not just because of the salary

2026-01-30T16:53:37Z

Finances don't figure much in the workday of an artist. DimaBerlin/Shutterstock

It’s often said that millions of people in the UK don’t save enough – with one in ten adults saving no money at all. That figure from a 2025 report from the Financial Conduct Authority regulator came with a warning that it’s leaving people walking a financial tightrope.

The UK household saving ratio (the proportion of income available but not spent) stood at 11.1% in 2024, below the EU average of around 14.5%. This gap shows the importance of encouraging a savings habit among the UK population.

Research shows that even modest savings buffers significantly improve financial resilience. A reserve of £2,000, for example, halves the risk of someone falling behind with bills in later years.

Gaps in income are often named as a key reason for not saving enough, alongside limited numeracy skills. But there are other dimensions that explain why some groups tend to save more than others.

Women, for example, are less likely to save than men. But this is just one part of the picture. My latest research suggests that people’s ability to navigate their finances stems partly from their professional background.

Workers in some professions are much more likely to save than others – and not necessarily because they earn more. Different professions encourage different competencies, habits and ways of thinking, as well as social influences. Financial confidence is a lifelong pursuit, yet my study found it comes more easily to people in some professions.

Who is more likely to save?

To understand these dynamics and test the differences between professions, I explored data from the Understanding Society survey, which explores social and economic change using data collected from around 40,000 UK households every year.

My study focused on more than 37,000 adults in the UK between 2009 and 2019. It adjusted the data to account for the effects of income and characteristics such as age and number of children, to examine how much (and how likely) people in various professions are to save.

Even with similar income increases, people working in business, finance and sales were 31 percentage points more likely to save every month than creative professionals and ten percentage points more likely than those in education.

Professions in business, finance and sales tend to encourage commercial acumen and confidence in handling financial decisions. And their workplaces are often guided by commercial logic, the need to save money, risk assessment, and more pronounced on-the-job learning about financial decision-making. This normalises discussions about money.

Financial acumen is built into some professions. fizkes/Shutterstock

By contrast, creative professionals such as artists and writers, whose fields emphasise intrinsic motivation and creative fulfilment, are significantly less likely to save, even when their income increases.

Similar patterns appeared across managerial occupations. Corporate directors working in more finance-aligned environments were 40 percentage points more likely to save every month than managers in sectors such as retail, logistics and hospitality.

Of course, professional environments orientated towards finance draw on employees with relevant backgrounds. But finance-related conversations are also more common in these workplaces, and this can strengthen personal money-management capabilities.

We tend to think that saving is mainly down to an individual – their planning, numerical skills, confidence, and family background. Yet some careers build financial resilience more actively, while others do not. Professional environments in some ways represent the hidden structures that shape how people think about managing money. This creates a structural advantage (or disadvantage).

Differences in saving behaviour and ways of thinking about money translate into larger gaps in financial resilience. This is a subtle driver of financial inequality. Jobs quietly and subtly “teach” financial habits and norms, and workers should be aware that their professional circle may bias their financial habits.

One practical approach is to look beyond your own occupational circle, observing how friends in professions with stronger financial cultures talk about money – and adopting some of their planning strategies. If your role gives you little exposure to financial decision-making, you could seek out this knowledge by surrounding yourself with people who discuss finances. Using financial-literacy tools such as apps, podcasts or articles can also help to fill that gap.

Importantly, people tend to blame themselves for a lack of discipline and planning. My study shifts some of this blame on to other, broader conditions. It does not suggest that personal discipline is unimportant. But replacing self-blame with an awareness that your social and professional environments can be more or less supportive of financial resilience can build confidence and encourage positive steps forward.

This also has implications for employers, especially in workplaces or departments that are less orientated towards finance. For example, efforts to support employees’ financial resilience could include practical sessions with advisers who can teach money-management skills, talk through steps to strengthen financial resilience and discuss ways of short-term and long-term saving.

While this study illustrates the significance and size of disparities in saving habits, its findings could help to identify solutions. Universities, for example, are well placed to offer financial education. Similar to my findings about professions, students in some subjects (such as the arts, humanities, social sciences or health fields) may particularly benefit from workshops or modules to feel more confident about money matters.

Good savings habits are not only a matter of individual choice – social and structural factors also play a part in financial resilience and have implications for inequality. Initiatives aimed at improving financial wellbeing should recognise that when it comes to saving, it’s a very uneven playing field.

Karina Pavlisa does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ICE at the Winter Olympics and the reshaping of intelligence and security in Europe

2026-01-30T16:53:26Z

A diplomatic row is brewing over US plans to involve agents from Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) in its security arrangements for the 2026 Winter Olympics in Milan.

The city’s mayor, Giuseppe Sala, described ICE as “a militia that kills,” adding that: “They’re not welcome in Milan.” While this specific deployment has created a strong political debate in Italy, it can be seen as an element in a wider recalibration of European security.

This is due to the perception that there is a widening gap in values and security practice between the US and Europe, with only the Hungarian prime minister Viktor Orban remaining uncritical of the US administration.

The changes in cooperation can also be put down to the dwindling trust European powers have in the US as an ally. This is not without precedent. But it is notable that disruptions to intelligence are happening more often and more deeply under the two Trump presidencies, suggesting this is becoming the norm.

Many people in Italy are aware of the Trump administration’s use of ICE in an enforcement capacity in Minneapolis and other US cities. The recent shootings of two US citizens whose were protesting against ICE’s mission to identify, round up and deport people considered to be illegal immigrants in Minneapolis have exacerbated Italian unease.

Alessandro Zan, a politician representing Italy’s Democratic party, took to social media to register a strong objection. He posted on X: “In Italy, we do not want those who trample on human rights and act outside of any democratic control. It is unacceptable to think that an agency of this kind could have any role whatsoever in our country.”

Italy’s foreign minister, Antonio Tajani, has attempted to play matters down, saying, “It’s not like the SS are coming.” But the perception of ICE agents as poorly trained and tending towards violence has been compounded by an incident between agents and a news crew from the Italian state broadcaster RAI in Minneapolis on January 25. RAI footage showed agents armed and wearing bulletproof vests threatening to smash the journalists’ car window and pull them out of the vehicle.

Until the recent controversies in its domestic immigration enforcement role, the use of ICE abroad has been uncontroversial. Jason Houser, a former ICE chief of staff, told journalists that ICE is regularly deployed at events the US is involved with in other countries as part of coordinated security provision.

ICE, he said, will be “supporting the US Department of State’s Diplomatic Security Service and host nation to vet and mitigate risks from transnational criminal organizations”. ICE will also be under the control of the Diplomatic Security Service (DSS). But Elly Schlein, the leader of Italy’s Democratic party, expressed concern about hosting “an armed militia that is not respecting the law on American soil”, raising the prospect that ICE agents would not respect Italian law either.

Principled approach

Perceptions that US intelligence or law enforcement agencies sometimes push the boundaries of international law – or breach it altogether – have led to friction in the past. There was a definite chill between the US and its allies over the US rendition programme in the global “war on terror” in the early 2000s.

Suspects could be rendered (which is another way of describing, in effect, sanctioned kidnapping) and taken to prisons in third countries. In the case of British resident Binyam Mohamed (2004), his rendition and torture by US authorities, and the disclosure of evidence revealing this in a British court, resulted in the then US president, Barack Obama, restricting the flow of intelligence to the UK.

Rendition and torture were widely considered to be American failures to comply with international law. It resulted in the UK changing its intelligence sharing through what are known as the Fulford principles.

Named after Sir Adrian Fulford, the former investigatory powers commissioner who in 2010 published the UK’s official guidance for intelligence agencies detaining and interviewing detainees abroad, this stopped British officials providing intelligence that might lead to torture.

In 2020, the UK Supreme Court ruled that the UK government had acted unlawfully in sharing information with US authorities regarding El Shafee Elsheikh and Alexanda Kotey (two of the so-called “Isis Beatles” terror cell). The two men faced prosecution in a US court which could have resulted in them facing the death penalty. The decision meant that British intelligence and security agencies cannot share information that might lead to the death penalty. This strengthened the Fulford principles.

But even back-office intelligence roles have been disrupted in the recent past. After the bombing of Ariana Grande’s concert in Manchester in 2017, there were US administration leaks to the New York Times of forensic evidence and the identities of the perpetrators. The prime minister at the time, Theresa May, then cut the flow of UK intelligence to the US for 24 hours in response.

The UK has also restricted the flow of intelligence around Latin American drug movements to avoid potential breaches of international law as the US has sought to eliminate seaborne drug traffickers in the Caribbean.

Where now for intelligence sharing?

The deployment of a branch of ICE at the Winter Olympics has become controversial because of how Europeans perceive ICE’s domestic operations. It is also because Europeans are seeking ways to say no to Donald Trump and the manner in which his administration is projecting US power abroad.

Consequently ICE, as an agency seen as having close ties to the US president, has become an attractive option for this opposition and they will remain under close scrutiny.

This small but politically divisive issue is important because it tells us a lot about the current state of transatlantic security. The shared values that have shaped the world since the second world war are under considerable strain. The practice and conduct of the respective sides has increasingly been called into question.

Europe seems close to trying to work out how to do security without America. If so, that would be an era-defining change.

Robert Dover does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

Facial recognition technology used by police is now very accurate – but public understanding lags behind

2026-01-30T16:53:21Z

New policing proposals include raising the number of live facial recognition vans in England and Wales from ten to 50. Mounir Taha/Shutterstock

The UK government’s proposed reforms to policing in England and Wales signal an increase in the use of facial recognition technology. The number of live facial recognition vans is set to rise from ten to 50, making them available to every police force in both countries.

The plan pledges £26 million for a national facial recognition system, and £11.6 million on live facial recognition technology. The announcement has come before the end of the government’s 12-week public consultation on police use of such technology.

The home secretary, Shabana Mahmood, claims facial recognition technology has “already led to 1,700 arrests in the Met [police force] alone – I think it’s got huge potential.”

We have been researching public attitudes to the use of this technology around the world since 2020. While accuracy levels are constantly evolving, we have found people’s awareness of this is not always up to date.

In the UK, the technology has so far been used by police in three main ways. All UK forces have the capability to use “retrospective” facial recognition for analysis of images captured from CCTV – for example, to identify suspects. Thirteen of the 43 forces also use live facial recognition in public spaces to locate wanted or missing individuals.

In addition, two forces (South Wales and Gwent) use “operator-initiated facial recognition” through a mobile app, enabling officers to take a photo when they stop someone and then compare their identity against a watchlist containing information about people of interest – either because they have committed a crime or are missing.

In countries such as China, facial recognition technology has been used more widely by the police – for example, by integrating it into realtime mass surveillance systems. In the UK, some private companies including high-street shops use facial recognition technology to identify repeat shoplifters, for example.

Despite this widespread use of the technology, our latest survey of public attitudes in England and Wales (yet to be peer reviewed) finds that only around 10% of people feel confident that they know a lot about how and when this technology is used. This is still a jump from our 2020 study, though, when many of our UK focus group participants said they thought the technology was just sci-fi – “something that only exists in the movies”.

A longstanding concern has been the issue of facial recognition being less accurate when used to identify non-white faces. However, our research and other tests suggest this is not the case with the systems now being used in the UK, US and some other countries.

How accurate is today’s technology?

It’s a common misconception that facial recognition technology captures and stores an image of your face. In fact, it creates a digital representation of the face in numbers. This representation is then compared with digital representations of known faces to determine the degree of similarity between them.

In recent years, we have seen a rapid improvement in the performance of facial recognition algorithms through the use of “deep convolutional neural networks” – artificial networks consisting of multiple layers, designed to mimic a human brain.

Surrey and Sussex police forces unveil new live facial recognition vans, November 2025. Video: Sussex Police.

There are two types of mistake a facial recognition algorithm can make: “false negatives”, where it doesn’t recognise a wanted person, and “false positives” where it incorrectly identifies the wrong person.

The US National Institute of Standards and Technology (Nist) runs the world’s gold standard evaluation of facial recognition algorithms. The 16 algorithms currently topping its leaderboard all show overall false negative rates of less than 1%, while false positives are held at 0.3%.

The UK’s National Physical Laboratory’s data shows the system being tested and used by UK police to search their databases returns the correct identity in 99% of cases. This accuracy level is achieved by balancing high true identification rates with low false positive rates.

While some people are uncomfortable with even small error rates, human observers have been found to make far more mistakes when doing the same kinds of tasks. Two of the standard tests of face matching ask people to compare two images side-by-side and decide whether they show the same person. One test recorded an error rate of up to 32.5%, and the other an error rate of 34%.

Historically, when testing the accuracy of facial recognition technology, bigger error rates have been found with non-white faces. In a 2018 study, for example, error rates for darker-skinned women were 40 times higher than for white men.

These earlier systems were trained on small numbers of images, mostly white male faces. Recent systems have been trained on much larger, deliberately balanced image sets. They are actively tested for demographic biases and are tuned to minimise errors.

Nist has published tests showing that although the leading algorithms still have slightly higher false positive rates for non-white faces compared with white faces, these error rates are below 0.5%.

How the public feel about this technology

According to our January 2026 survey of 1,001 people across England and Wales, almost 80% of people now feel “comfortable” with police using facial recognition technology to search for people on police watchlists.

However, only around 55% said they trust the police to use facial recognition responsibly. This compares with 79% and 63% when we asked the same questions to 1,107 people throughout the UK in 2020.

Both times, we asked to what extent people agree with police using facial recognition technology for different uses. Our results show the public remains particularly supportive of police use of facial recognition in criminal investigations (90% in 2020 and 89% in 2026), to search for missing persons (86% up to 89%), and for people who have committed a crime (90% down slightly to 89%).

There are lots of examples of facial recognition’s role in helping police to locate wanted and vulnerable people. But as facial recognition technology is more widely adopted, our research suggests the police and Home Office need to do more to make sure the public are informed about how it is – and isn’t – being used.

We also suggest the proposed new legal framework should apply to all users of facial recognition, not just the police. If not, public trust in the police’s use of this technology could be undermined by other users’ less responsible actions.

It is critical that the police are using up-to-date systems to guard against demographic biases. A more streamlined national police service, as laid out in the government’s latest white paper, could help ensure the same systems are being used everywhere – and that officers are being trained consistently in how to use these systems correctly and fairly.

Animals might be sentient in the law’s eyes, but how they’re treated still varies hugely

2026-01-30T16:53:18Z

CHAIWATPHOTOS/Shutterstock

Caged hens will be a thing of the past. Puppy farming will be stopped. New laws will enforce humane slaughter standards. All this is part of a new animal welfare strategy for England announced by the government in December 2025.

The prospect of new animal welfare laws and better enforcement shows an intention to improve animal welfare standards and reduce animal suffering.

This follows the adoption into UK law in 2022 of the idea that animals are sentient beings. The Animal Welfare (Sentience) Act means that government has to check whether its policies consider and minimise any negative consequences for animal welfare. Other jurisdictions that have recognised animal sentience include the EU, New Zealand and parts of Canada and Australia.

But the wording of the law rarely means animal welfare should actually be prioritised. Instead, it means that animal welfare must be considered and properly taken into account. Where policy fails to do this it could be argued that there has been a failure in the decision-making process.

Ultimately, despite the legal recognition of sentience, the variety of welfare laws and policies highlights that how we treat animals still differs depending on their type and on how humans value or act around them.

The UK’s animal sentience committee, the official body that scrutinises the government’s animal welfare policy, recently identified some areas where policy falls short of properly considering animal welfare – for example, through inconsistent monitoring and enforcement of animal welfare standards. The committee also suggested there were “substantial” gaps in animal welfare enforcement.

Although animal sentience is recognised in law, animals are still treated as “things” in law and policy. While they have some protections, many people still consider them as our property. This is despite laws that create animal welfare standards and try to reduce animal harm by requiring the consideration of animal needs.

Pigs are often farmed in crowded conditions. Mark Agnor/Shutterstock

When animals are viewed as food or needed to make products like milk or clothing, their sentience might not carry much weight. Clearly animals kept for meat will be killed but in this case, laws will usually require that slaughter is carried out “humanely” and that animals should suffer as little as possible before death.

Battery cages for poultry were banned in the UK in 2012, but “colony cages” (those that allow a larger number of hens to be kept in close proximity) are still allowed despite being considered by animal campaign groups and activists as cruel.

Some animals, such as crows or grey squirrels, are regarded as “pests” so that they can be killed or taken to protect human interests. Some controls are permitted as part of wildlife management to protect livestock or crops, for example and can be covered by what’s known as a general licence.

Specific animals can be killed or taken without a clear identification and justification of the necessity of management or control. The law also allows control of pests on your property – this can include using poisons as long as the law is followed.

Five freedoms

Wild animals tend to be treated differently to companion animals like dogs and cats, which get more protection than wildlife mainly because they depend on humans for food and shelter. The law gives these companions a type of rights by creating legal obligations, sometimes creating a duty of care towards them.

The UK’s Animal Welfare Act (2006) does more than just prevent animal cruelty. It creates a duty for people who own or care for companion animals to actively provide animal welfare.

These so-called “thin” rights are a limited form of rights that mean if you have a companion you must cater for the specific needs of your animals and ensure that the individual animal’s needs are met according to the “five freedoms”. These were developed in the 1960s following a major government report into the welfare of intensively farmed animals.

The five freedoms were then formally established by the Farm Animal Welfare Council – the independent body that has advised the UK government – as the basis of good animal welfare. These include freedom from hunger and thirst, discomfort, pain, disease and distress.

Thin rights are different to “thick” rights whereby the law protects all of an animal’s fundamental interests such as an absolute right to life – such as the right not to be killed for human clothing or to be killed to benefit human commercial interests. The thick approach would prevent most actions that would interfere with an animal’s rights.

A logical conclusion of applying thick rights would be an abolition of most if not all animal use, including the use of animals for food. The late animal rights lawyer Steven Wise argued that “without legal personhood, one is invisible to civil law. One has no civil rights. One might as well be dead”. A thick approach gives animals rights not to be treated as “things”.

Author George Orwell wrote in his 1945 book, Animal Farm, “All animals are equal, but some animals are more equal than others.” He might have meant it as satirical comment on the Soviet Union, but the limitations of legal sentience for animals means it can be applied in a more literal way today. If we truly believe that all sentient creatures deserve protecting, the world has a long way to go to put this into practice.

Angus Nurse has received research funding from animal welfare organisations including the International Fund for Animal Welfare (IFAW) the RSPCA and Humane World for Animals (formerly called Humane Society International). He is an independent member of the Wild Animal Welfare Committee (WAWC)

Why Xi purged China’s top military general

2026-01-30T16:53:17Z

Zhang Youxia, a top military general and vice-chairman of the body in overall command of China’s military forces, was removed from office on January 23. His departure means all but one of the seven members of the central military commission (CMC), which is chaired by Chinese president Xi Jinping, have lost their positions in the last three years.

Xi has an established record of purging senior officials. Back at the dawn of his tenure as head of the Chinese Communist party in the early 2010s, there were a series of high-level fellings. Bo Xilai, a fellow politburo member who was convicted on bribery and embezzlement charges, was perhaps the most commented on.

But even Zhou Yongkang, a former senior party leader, was taken in under corruption charges in 2013 and expelled from the party. The slogan used by party leadership at the time was that even tigers needed to be afraid, not just flies. There were no exceptions when it came to party loyalty – no one was exempt and no one was safe.

Xi then turned his attention to the party’s armed wing, the People’s Liberation Army (PLA), which has been undergoing a series of abrupt personnel changes in recent years. In mid-2023, the then-minister of defence, Li Shangfu, disappeared from public view before being removed from office. This was followed by the removal of a number of senior military figures, largely on corruption claims.

The formal announcement of Zhang being under investigation was issued in the official party newspaper, the People’s Daily. He was accused with fellow CMC member Liu Zhenli of having severely fuelled political and corruption problems that threaten the party’s absolute leadership over the armed forces. It has thus led to external speculation of power struggles and internal fights.

No one really knows what is happening in the inner circle of Chinese leadership at the moment. It is a largely watertight place. Stories of Zhang leaking nuclear secrets to the US and plotting a coup against Xi that led to a gunfight in Beijing thus need to be treated with a great deal of scepticism. What is less contentious is the claim that the PLA is afflicted with ongoing structural issues.

China’s military issues

Zhang is in his seventies and is one of the very few senior military figures in China with actual combat experience, having served in the war against Vietnam in the late 1970s. He is also reportedly a native of an area near to where Xi’s family hailed from in the Shaanxi province of north-west China. This has been given as reason for the claim that the two are long-term friends.

But in the uppermost reaches of Chinese politics, sentiments and emotional links are unlikely to have much currency. For Xi, the priority is to deal with a world undergoing dramatic change. The US has become unpredictable and is now fighting not just with its enemies but also its friends.

That unpredictability is not welcome to a China that is dealing with significant economic, environmental and demographic issues. It does not want to become burdened with international obligations before it feels it can manage these.

And while many China-watchers have talked of 2027 marking the date when China may launch an invasion of Taiwan, over which it continues to claim sovereignty, the reality is that China’s military is untested in combat in recent decades. No one, including the Chinese themselves, know how it might perform.

The unease of China’s leaders at the poor showing of the much more experienced Russian forces in Ukraine underlines this. Several months after the invasion, an article in the People’s Daily criticised Russia’s performance, concluding that its military was too weak and its capabilities too limited to achieve its objectives. An amphibious operation in Taiwan will be far more difficult than Russia’s ground invasion of Ukraine.

Xi Jinping greets Donald Trump ahead of their meeting in South Korea in October 2025. carlos110 / Shutterstock

Xi has demanded absolute loyalty and discipline from his political colleagues. The same extends to the PLA. The main objective is that it is battle-ready and able to deploy should opportunities arise, even if these were not expected to happen. The military must be ideologically and practically ready to move. It cannot be distracted by divisions and fractures within.

Zhang is clearly a man with rich and extensive experience, but there have been rumours for some time that he and Xi had disagreed on specific issues. As the Chinese saying goes, there can never be two tigers on the same mountain – Xi can only tolerate so much dissent, even from a figure with huge stature and seemingly incontestable credentials.

In the short term, all of this shows that the PLA is likely to be viewed as not yet fully ready to undertake major tasks such as mounting operations against Taiwan that are expected of it. In the longer term, the key thing is to watch is who replaces the figures already felled.

The coming year is likely to be one of generational change in China, at the provincial and then national level. China’s current key leaders are all in their late sixties and early seventies. While Xi himself is unlikely to move aside any time soon, those around him are going to experience a reshuffle.

The military will be seeing new core leaders. Who is appointed, what their backgrounds are and what that may mean for the overall posture of the country will be crucial things to track in the weeks and months ahead.

Routine medical procedures can feel harder for women – here’s why

2026-01-30T16:53:16Z

Oksana Shufrych/Shutterstock.com

Many women recognise the pattern. A routine procedure takes longer than expected. It’s more uncomfortable than promised. The doctor reassures them that this sometimes happens, or suggests anxiety or muscle tension might be playing a role. But often the explanation is simpler – and anatomical.

This mismatch between bodies and procedures isn’t related to rare conditions or specialist care. It reflects a recurring problem in everyday medicine. Many routine procedures were designed around male anatomy, and they don’t always work the same way on female bodies.

Take colonoscopy. It’s one of the most common investigations used to diagnose bowel disease and screen for cancer. Yet women are more likely than men to experience discomfort, require repositioning, or have an incomplete examination on the first attempt.

The reason lies in normal anatomy. On average, women have a longer and more mobile colon, particularly in the sigmoid segment that loops through the pelvis.

The female pelvis itself is broader and shallower, creating sharper angles as the bowel curves downward. These features make the scope more likely to bend and loop inside the bowel, slowing its progress and pulling on surrounding tissue – a major source of pain.

This isn’t abnormal anatomy. It’s normal anatomy that standard techniques don’t always take into account.

Urinary catheterisation is another routine procedure where anatomy matters. Although the urethra performs the same function in men and women, its length, course and anatomical context differ in ways that matter clinically.

In males, the urethra is long – around 18-22cm – and is usually described in three parts: the prostatic urethra, which is wide and fixed as it passes through the prostate; the membranous urethra, the narrowest segment as it crosses the pelvic floor; and the spongy (penile) urethra, which runs in a predictable course to a clearly identifiable external opening at the tip of the penis. Despite its length, the male urethra follows a stable path and ends at a prominent external landmark.

The female urethra is much shorter, usually about 3-4cm long, but lies within a more variable anatomical environment. From the bladder neck, it passes through the bladder wall and pelvic floor, before opening into the vulval vestibule at a meatus (the external opening of the urethra) closely related to the anterior vaginal wall.

Its position varies between individuals and across the life course, influenced by pelvic floor tone and hormonal status. In practice, this can make catheter insertion technically more difficult, increasing the likelihood of repeated attempts and discomfort – particularly in older women or those with atrophic tissue (thin, delicate tissue).

Lumbar puncture and spinal procedures show similar issues. Women tend to have a greater lumbar curve and different pelvic tilt, altering the angle at which a needle must pass between vertebrae. Mild spinal curvature is also more common in women. The procedure itself doesn’t change, but the geometry does, increasing the likelihood of multiple attempts and prolonged discomfort.

Women have a greater lumbar curve. Teeradej/Shutterstock.com

Even airway management, a cornerstone of anaesthesia and emergency medicine, reflects the same mismatch. Female airways are, on average, shorter and narrower. When equipment sizing and technique is based on a “standard” airway, women are more likely to experience sore throat and hoarseness afterward – effects often dismissed as minor, but rooted in anatomy rather than sensitivity.

Even something as commonplace as peripheral venous cannulation, the insertion of a small tube into a vein to deliver fluids, medications, or to take blood, reflects this mismatch. Women’s superficial veins are often smaller, less prominent and more mobile in soft tissue, making standard cannulation techniques more likely to result in repeated attempts, bruising and pain.

Design for variation, not exception

Doctors know bodies vary. In practice, many already adapt – choosing different patient positions, smaller instruments or altered techniques. But these adjustments are informal, inconsistently taught and rarely explained to patients.

Instead, difficulty is often bundled into vague categories: anxiety, tension, low pain tolerance or “one of those things”. The result is that women experience real, anatomy-driven discomfort without being told why, and may internalise it as a personal failing.

This matters. When discomfort is normalised or minimised, patients are less likely to return for screening, more likely to delay care, and more likely to mistrust reassurance that future procedures will be different.

None of this requires radical innovation. It requires naming the issue accurately. When procedures are taught and designed around a single reference body, predictable anatomical variation becomes an obstacle rather than a design feature.

Acknowledging that bodies differ – in length, curvature, mobility and spatial relationships – allows doctors to plan, explain and adapt more effectively.

Crucially, it also shifts the narrative. Instead of “this shouldn’t hurt”, the message becomes: “your anatomy means this procedure can be more challenging, and we’ll adjust it accordingly”.

Michelle Spear does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

Mock the Week’s return can’t compete with memes in the new age of political satire

2026-01-30T16:53:15Z

Shot Stalker/Shutterstock

Just as jokes wear thin by repetition, the return of Mock the Week to TV screens via Freeview channel TLC is unlikely to excite many beyond a small circle of fans. The format is the tried and tested panel quiz, where two teams of comedians compete by improvising witty takes on global events. But this light entertainment model of news satire is a throwback, conceived in a world where politics was only a background buzz for people’s day to day lives.

With 24/7 news and social media, the digital relay of politics is continuous, interactive, and, thanks the circulation of memes, already suffused with irony and satire. For good or ill, we experience global politics intimately and instantaneously via our smart phones.

We will have already forgotten the best memes about Donald Trump long before one of Mock the Week’s panellists gets up to wryly ask if he will change the name of Greenland to Orange-Land?

Indeed, as the host Dara O’Briain quipped about the previous cancellation of the show in 2022: “The storylines were getting crazier and crazier – global pandemics, divorce from Europe, novelty short-term prime ministers … We just couldn’t be more silly than the news was already.”

The implications of this “commodification of politics” are vast and go well beyond the fortunes of Mock the Week. Critical commentators have noted the usual list of issues with the format, including the difficulty of being original when the best online jokes regularly go viral, a potential for political clubbish-ness, and legal and commercial constraints about obscenity and offence. There is also the deeper shift in the nature of humour and politics to comprehend.

The digital form of humour in global politics has migrated to memes, their production, circulation and, importantly, their interactive potential. For instance, the ecology of memes about J.D. Vance, the vice president of the United States, includes both the ridiculous images (fat-Vance, goth-Vance, for example) but also, AI extensions where he dances while drinking hot dog juice.

With widely available and easy to use apps, anyone can play along, contributing to and amplifying satirical currents. In the process, online meme-makers are changing our understanding of how the public engage with global politics.

An ability to use memes effectively is fundamentally reshaping several areas of global politics including digital diplomacy, foreign policy and nationalist politics.

While we’re used to thinking about satire as a check on political excess or corruption, like a form of “comic resistance”, the trend in recent years has seen politicians like Boris Johnson and Trump “take the lead” in deploying jokes and memes.

It has become commonplace, if slightly unfair, to blame the rise of Johnson on his regular appearances on Have I Got News for You, the comedy panel news show taught him, according to writer Jonathon Coe: “The best way to make sure that satire aimed at you is gentle and unchallenging is to create it yourself.”

This is part of a broader shift in digital diplomacy whereby politicians and political institutions have used humour to communicate their messages through social media. On one hand, this is because jokes and memes can circulate beyond the traditional demographics of politics to engage the young, the old, and the increasingly important “conspiratorial” vote.

On the other hand, humour can both communicate across as well as deepen the cognitive divides that permeate contemporary events. Think of the emergence of racist humour throughout the COVID pandemic, which targeted Chinese people, or, relatedly, the central role of ridicule in disciplining “anti-vax”.

In that sense, it’s no surprise that humour has also been a key language in the growing use of hybrid warfare by states like Russia, China, and Nato in relation to the Ukraine war. Russian media has often delighted in the ability of its leading satirical pranksters to get access to and record conversations with senior British politicians about their (nuclear) strategy in Ukraine.

Of course, nowhere is this satirical agency more pronounced than in the current return of nationalist politics in general and the rise of Maga, in particular. Trump’s genius in this may be an ability to play both sides of the joke to his advantage.

Take the recent memes about US imperialism that saw “the stars and stripes” placed on a map over Venezuela, Canada and Greenland, which did two things.

First, they gratify and mobilise a base that enjoys a strong image of America, one that acts, because, to use the online catchphrase, “you can just do things”. Second, as supporters of Trump never tire of reminding us, much of his foreign policy follows the negotiating technique famously mapped out in his book The Art of Deal: aim high, don’t worry if things get messy, wait until people meet you half way.

With the addition of memes, this technique is able to reach previously unimaginable levels of effectiveness. It’s a signal form of politics, where satire is the agent of sovereign power.

Ironically, of course, these growing synergies between humour and global politics may lead some to seek sanctuary in the comfort of light entertainment. After all Mock the Week is just some comedians having fun and telling jokes. Some regard news satire within the larger educational function of critical journalism, an affective space where audiences can reflect on the high stakes of global politics.

James Brassett does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

The record gold price reflects a deeper problem than recent global instability

2026-01-30T16:53:13Z

Guguart/Shutterstock

The price of gold has risen to over US$5,000 (£3,662) an ounce for the first time ever, after doubling in value over the course of a very strong 2025 for the precious metal.

The usual explanation for such strong rises is that gold is considered a safe bet for investors when other options look a little shaky. High inflation for example, when cash quickly loses value, is often linked to gold price rises. Trade wars and actual wars usually have a similar effect.

A common view then, is that gold performs well in moments of instability. But research I was involved with suggests that gold prices are not simply a reaction to short-term economic events.

Instead, they are a response to something deeper, reflecting an overall level of confidence in how economic systems are managed over time.

For during recent periods of sustained economic stability in the west, gold prices have remained largely flat. The steady growth, moderate inflation and predictable policy of the early 1990s and 2000s for example, were not good times for gold.

And rather than responding to every economic peak or dip, the thing that really pushes gold prices up is instability in what’s known as “monetary credibility”. In other words, when there are doubts about whether central banks and governments will be able to maintain discipline over inflation, public debt and currency value over the coming decades. At times like this gold becomes more desirable.

This helps explain why gold can continue to rise even as inflation falls, as has happened recently in several big economies, including the US and parts of Europe.

And although recent weakness in the dollar and political uncertainty in the US have probably added momentum to gold’s rise, these factors amplify a deeper shift in confidence rather than explain it on their own.

Our findings suggest that no single set of macroeconomic variables (like inflation, interest rates and stock prices) consistently explains gold prices across developed and emerging economies. They matter sometimes, but not always.

So simple narratives (whether they’re about inflation, or trade wars or the weakening of the US dollar) are not enough to account for today’s gold market. Inflation alone cannot explain why gold prices remain elevated even as headline price pressures have eased.

What gold tells us about the world

There is more evidence for this in the fact that, according to the World Gold Council, central banks have been buying gold at the fastest pace in decades, particularly since 2022. This has continued even as inflation has fallen in many countries, again suggesting that these decisions are driven by longer term considerations rather than short term price movements.

The decisions of central banks reflect concerns about resilience, diversification and trust. And to those banks, gold’s appeal lies squarely in the fact that it carries relatively little risk.

It is not issued by a government like fiat currencies. It cannot be created at will like paper money. And it does not depend on the credibility of any single institution.

So in a world of high public debt, geopolitical fragmentation and increasing pressure on central bank independence, gold offers stability and insurance. And its price rises when confidence in the rules governing money becomes uncertain.

Dollar down. ImagePixel/Shutterstock

That uncertainty can persist even when growth resumes or inflation falls. Seen in this light, gold’s recent surge does not signal a kneejerk panic or imminent collapse.

Instead, it reflects a reassessment of long-term monetary confidence at a time when governments face difficult trade-offs between debt sustainability, political pressures and price stability.

With its current high value, gold is not predicting a specific crisis. Nor does it provide a clear forecast for inflation. But it is revealing something important about the current moment.

Markets appear less certain that the frameworks governing money, debt and policy will remain unchanged. That does not mean those systems have failed, but it does suggest their credibility is no longer taken for granted in the way it has been in the past.

Gold does not predict the future. But it does offer a window into how confident markets are about the foundations of the world’s economics system.

Hafiz Muhammad Usman Rana does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

The Aztec empire’s collapse shows why ruling through coercion and force fails

2026-01-30T16:53:10Z

When Aztec emissaries arrived in 1520 to Tzintzuntzan, the capital of the Tarascan Kingdom in what is now the Mexican state of Michoacán, they carried a warning from the Aztec emperor, Cuauhtémoc.

They cautioned that strange foreigners – the Spaniards – had invaded the land and posed a grave threat. The emissaries requested an audience with the Tarascan ruler, known as the Cazonci, King Zuanga. But Zuanga had recently died, most likely from smallpox brought by the Spaniards.

Relations between the two empires had long been tense. They had clashed on the western frontier since 1476, fighting major battles and fortifying their borders. The Tarascans viewed the Aztecs as deceitful and dangerous – a threat to their very existence.

So, when the emissaries arrived to speak with a king who was already dead, they were sacrificed and granted audience with him in the afterlife. In that moment, the fate of the Aztecs was sealed in blood.

The Aztec empire did not fall because it lacked capability. It collapsed because it accumulated too many adversaries who resented its dominance. This is a historical episode the US president, Donald Trump, should take notice of as his rift with traditional US allies deepens.

The Aztec (grey) and Tarascan (green) empires in what is now Mexico. El Comandante / Wikimedia Commons

Carl von Clausewitz and other philosophers of war have distinguished the concepts of force and power in relation to statecraft. In the broadest sense, power is ideological capital, predicated on military strength and influence in the global political sphere. In contrast, force is the exertion of military might to coerce other nations to your political will.

While power can be sustained through a strong economy, alliances and moral influence, force is expended. It drains resources and can erode internal political capital as well as global influence if it is used in a way that is perceived as arrogant or imperialistic.

The Aztec empire formed in 1428 as a triple alliance between the city-states of Tenochtitlan, Texcoco and Tlacopan, with Tenochtitlan eventually dominating the political structure. The empire exerted force through seasonal military campaigns and balanced this with a power dynamic of sacrificial display, threat, tribute and a culture of racial superiority.

In both its use of force and power, the Aztec empire was coercive and depended on fear to rule. Those subjugated by the empire, and those engaged in what seemed perpetual war, held great animosity and distrust of the Aztecs. The empire was thus built on conquered people and enemies waiting for the right opportunity to overthrow their overlords.

Hernán Cortés, the Spanish conquistador who ultimately brought large parts of what is now Mexico under the rule of Spain, exploited this hostility. He forged alliances with Tlaxcala and other former Aztec subjects, augmenting his small Spanish force with thousands of indigenous warriors.

Cortés led this Spanish-indigenous force against the Aztecs and besieged them in Tenochtitlan. The Aztecs had only one hope: to persuade the other great power in Mexico, the Tarascan empire to the west, to join forces with them. Their first emissaries met an ill fate. So, they tried again.

In 1521, Aztec envoys arrived once more in Tzintzuntzan and this time met with the new lord, Tangáxuan II. They brought captured steel weapons, a crossbow and armour to demonstrate the military threat they faced.

Aztec emissaries presenting Spanish weapons to the Tarascan king as proof of the threat. Codex Michoacan, CC BY-NC

The Tarascan king paid attention. He sent an exploratory mission to the frontier to determine whether this was Aztec trickery or truth. As they arrived at the frontier, they met a group of Chichimecs – semi-nomadic warrior people who often worked for empires to patrol borders.

When told the mission was heading to Tenochtitlan to scout the situation, the Chichimecs replied that they were too late. It was only a city of death now, and they were on their way to the Tarascan king to offer their services. Tangáxuan submitted to the Spanish as a tributary kingdom the following year before being burned to death in 1530 by Spaniards trying to find where he had hidden gold.

Had the Tarascans maintained normal political relations with the Aztecs, they might have investigated the report of the first emissaries. One can imagine how history would be different if, during the siege of Tenochtitlan, 40,000 Tarascan warriors – renowned archers – had descended from the mountains to the west. It is unlikely that Cortés and his army could have prevailed.

American foreign policy

The failings of the Aztec empire were not due to a lack of courage or military prowess. During their battles with the Spanish, the Aztecs repeatedly demonstrated adaptability, learning how to fight against horses and cannon-laden ships.

The failing was a fundamental flaw in the political strategy of the empire – it was built on coercion and fear, leaving a ready force to challenge its authority when it was most vulnerable.

The foreign policy of the US since 2025, when Trump entered office for his second term, has emulated this model. Recently, the Trump administration has been projecting coercive power to support its ambitions for wealth, notoriety and to project American exceptionalism and manifest superiority.

This has manifested in threats or the exercise of limited force, such as tariffs or military attacks in Iran, Syria, Nigeria and Venezuela. Increasingly, other nations are challenging the effectiveness of this power. Colombia, Panama, Mexico and Canada, for example, have largely ignored the threat of coercive power.

As Trump uses American power to demand Greenland, his threats are becoming more feeble. Nato nations are abiding by their longstanding pact with economic and military resolve, with their leaders saying they will not give in to Trump’s pressure. The US is being pushed towards a position where it will have to switch from coercive power to coercive force.

If this course persists, military engagements, animosity from neighbours and vulnerabilities arising from the strength of other militaries, economic disruptions and environmental catastrophes may well leave the world’s most powerful nation exposed with no allies.

Jay Silverstein received funding from the US National Science Foundation (NSF), the Foundation for the Advancment of Mesoamerican Studies (FAMSI), and The Penn State Hill Foundation that supported his doctoral studies.

Four early medieval swords found in Kent – child graves reveal they were more than just weapons

2026-01-30T16:53:08Z

Four early Anglo-Saxon swords uncovered during a recent archaeological excavation I took part in each tell a story about how weapons were viewed at the time. There was also a striking discovery of a child buried with spear and shield. Was the child an underage fighter? Or were weapons more than mere tools of war to these people?

Weapons are embedded with values. Would, for example, the Jedi knights in the Star Wars franchise have as much nobility if they were armed with knives instead of light sabres? Today, modern armies fight remotely with missiles and drones, or mechanically with guns and armour. Yet in many countries, an officer still has a ceremonial sword, which worn incorrectly might even reveal an imposter.

The excavation, which I carried out with archaeologist Andrew Richardson, focused on an early medieval cemetery and our swords were found in graves. Our team from the University of Lancashire and Isle Heritage has excavated around 40 graves in total. The discovery can be seen in BBC2’s Digging for Britain.

One of the swords we uncovered has a decorated silver pommel (the rear part of the handle) and ring which is fixed to the handle. It is a beautiful, high status 6th century object sheathed in a beaver fur lined scabbard. The other sword has a small silver hilt and wide, ribbed, gilt scabbard mouth – two elements with different artistic styles, from different dates, brought together on one weapon.

This mixture was also seen in the Staffordshire Hoard (discovered in 2009) which featured 78 pommels and 100 hilt collars with a range of dates from the 5th to the 7th centuries AD.

In medieval times, swords – or their parts – were curated by their owners, and old swords were valued more highly than new ones.

The Old English poem Beowulf (probably composed between the 8th and early 11th century) describes old swords (“ealdsweord”), ancient swords (“gomelswyrd”) and heirlooms (“yrfelafe”). As well as describing “waepen wundum heard” – “weapons hardened by wounds”.

There are two sword riddles in the Exeter Book, a large codex of poetry written down in the 10th century (although the texts within it may describe earlier attitudes). In riddle 80, the sword describes itself: “I am a warrior’s shoulder-companion”. It’s an interesting turn of phrase given our 6th century discoveries. In each case the hilt was placed at the shoulder and the arm of the deceased appeared to hug the weapon.

A comparable embrace has been seen in burials at Dover Buckland, also in Kent. There were two in Blacknall Field, Wiltshire, and one in West Garth Gardens, Suffolk. It is, however, unusual to see four people buried like this in one cemetery, and interestingly they were found in close proximity.

The part of the cemetery we have excavated includes several weapon burials placed around a deep grave with a ring ditch enclosing it. A small mound of earth would have been built over the top of the grave marking it out.

This earliest grave – the one that the others weapon graves used to guide their location – contained a man without metal artefacts or weapons. Weapon graves were more popular in the generations either side of the middle 6th century, so it is likely this person was buried before the fashion to dress the dead with weapons was established. Perhaps because during the tumultuous later 5th century and earliest years of the 6th century weapons were valued too highly for the defence of the living.

Our further discovery of a 10-12 year old child’s grave with a spear and shield adds to this picture. The child’s curved spine made it unlikely he could use these weapons comfortably.

A second grave of a younger child contained a large silver belt buckle. This looks to have been far too large to be worn by the boy who was just two to three years old. Graves with objects like these usually belong to adult men, large buckles were a symbol of office in later Roman and early Medieval contexts, for example the spectacular gold examples from Sutton Hoo.

So why were these objects found in the graves? Recent DNA results point to the importance of relatedness, particularly within the Y chromosome that denotes male ancestry.

At West Helsterton in east Yorkshire, DNA results point to a biological relationships between men buried in close proximity. Many of these men had weapons, including one with a sword and two spears. Many of the other male graves were placed around their heavily armed ancestor.

We are not saying that ancient weapons were purely ceremonial. Dents on shields, and wear on bladed weapons speak of practice and conflict. Injury and early death seen in skeletons testifies to the use of weapons in early medieval society and early English poetry speaks of grief and loss as much as heroism.

As Beowulf shows, feelings of loss were bound up in the display of the male dead and their weapons as well as fears for the future:

The Geat people built a pyre for Beowulf, Beowulf’s funeral

stacked and decked it until it stood four-square,

hung with helmets, heavy war-shields

and shining armour, just as he had ordered.

Then his warriors laid him in the middle of it,

mourning a lord far-famed and beloved.

The weapons in our graves were as much as an expression of loss and grief, as they were a physical statement about strength or masculinity and the male family. Even battle hardened and ancient warriors cried, and they buried their dead with weapons like swords that told stories.

The spear, shield and buckles found in little graves spoke of the men these children might have become.

Duncan Sayer would like to thank Dr Andrew Richardson who is a co-director of the east Kent excavation project.

Allergic to the cold? It’s a real thing and it can even kill

2026-01-30T16:53:06Z

Nicoleta Ionescu/Shutterstock.com

For most people, cold weather is an inconvenience, requiring an extra layer of clothing or the thermostat to be turned up. For others, exposure to cold can trigger an allergic reaction severe enough to cause them to collapse.

Cold urticaria is a rare but potentially dangerous condition in which contact with cold temperatures causes the immune system to misfire. The results can be hives, swelling, pain and in some cases, life-threatening anaphylaxis.

The condition was first described in 1792 by a German physician called Johann Peter Frank. Today, we know it is almost twice as common in women than in men, with the average age of onset in the early twenties, though it can affect people at any age.

There is some good news: between 24% and 50% of people with the condition see improvement – or even full recovery – over the years.

There are two forms of the condition. Primary cold urticaria is the most common, accounting for about 95% of cases and often has no known cause. The remaining 5% are classified as secondary urticaria, which is linked to underlying conditions or infections, such as the Epstein-Barr virus, certain types of lymphoma (blood cancer), HIV and hepatitis C.

Primary cold urticaria typically causes a rash, swelling, bumps or hives, though some people also report fatigue, fever and aching joints. Symptoms usually appear when the skin is exposed to cold, but can also occur as the skin warms up again. Triggers aren’t limited to cold weather – they can include swimming, eating frozen food, drinking cold liquids and handling cold objects.

Aside from a few very rare genetic causes, why some people develop primary cold urticaria remains unknown. What is clear is that mast cells are involved. These sentinel cells act as first responders in the body’s tissues – including the skin – alerting the immune system to danger signals or germs.

What triggers their activation in cold urticaria remains a mystery, though one theory suggests that cold exposure causes the body to produce so-called autoallergens – substances that trigger an immune response against the body’s own tissues. Much more research is needed to understand how this happens.

When mast cells are activated, they release a chemical called histamine. Think of histamine as an alarm that alerts other immune cells to rush to the area. It also makes the blood vessels in that part of your body widen and become “leakier”, which causes the telltale swelling, redness and itchiness.

Normally, this response is helpful – the extra blood flow and leaky blood vessels allow immune cells to squeeze out of the bloodstream and into the surrounding tissue to fight off a genuine threat. But in cold urticaria, it’s a false alarm. Your body is mounting a full-scale immune response when there’s nothing to fight, causing discomfort without any benefit.

Cold foods can trigger the condition. etorres/Shutterstock.com

Doctors test for cold urticaria by placing an ice cube on a patient’s forearm and watching what happens after they remove it. This test typically follows patients noticing they develop welts, hives or rashes on exposure to cold things. This must be done by a medical professional because in about 20% of cases, it can trigger anaphylaxis.

The condition is quite rare, affecting six in every 10,000 people. But it may be underdiagnosed as not all sufferers have severe symptoms and, in some countries, particularly tropical ones, temperatures tend not to drop below 0°C in winter.

Once diagnosed, it’s important to help people with cold urticaria avoid or recognise their trigger temperatures. There are two measures that may be assessed, depending on the availability of measuring devices. One is the cold stimulation time test, which indicates how quickly your skin reacts to cold with a lump or rash (a shorter time suggests a more active response). The other measure is the critical temperature threshold, which is the warmest temperature that can still trigger symptoms.

Antihistamines and beyond

There are treatments that can help manage the symptoms. One approach is taking antihistamines before exposure to cold environments or stimuli.

For many people, though, a standard oral antihistamine dose isn’t enough. Sometimes, up to four times the standard dose may be needed. The trade-off is that some antihistamines can have a sedating effect, so caution is needed.

About 60% of people with cold urticaria respond well to treatment with antihistamines.

During short flare-ups, other drugs, such as corticosteroids, may be beneficial, although longer-term use brings side-effects, such as weight gain, indigestion and mood changes.

Severe cases can be treated with a monoclonal antibody called Omalizumab, which targets immunoglobulin E, a molecule involved in mast cell activation.

Another option is desensitisation: gradually exposing the skin to cooler temperatures over several days (although, sometimes over a few hours) to try to overcome the response and histamine release. There have been some successes with this approach, but most of the studies have been small.

For people with the most severe cases, adrenaline is a lifesaving option in response to anaphylaxis, though it appears to be under-prescribed in patients with cold urticaria.

People with this condition also face increased risk during surgical procedures, where anaesthetic drugs reduce core body temperature and operating theatres are kept deliberately cool. While warming measures are used during surgery, for people with heightened sensitivity to cold, this can present an additional risk.

As winter continues, it’s worth remembering that for some people, the cold isn’t just uncomfortable – it can be genuinely dangerous. Understanding and recognising cold urticaria could make all the difference.

Adam Taylor does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

The public wants police to show up and care – will new reforms in England and Wales do this?

2026-01-30T15:39:50Z

William Barton/Shutterstock

The government has announced a massive shake-up of policing in England and Wales, with the aim to balance providing a local police service across the country while also facing national threats. It involves the creation of a new National Police Service (touted as a “British FBI”) and reducing the number of forces across England and Wales from 43 to a possible 12 bigger, regional forces.

Elected police and crime commissioners will be replaced by regional mayors, or police and crime boards from 2028. And Whitehall will be given refreshed powers to intervene in failing forces.

The last strategic reform of policing in England and Wales was informed by a royal commission, in May 1962. This examined policing function, accountability, public relationships and staffing. It led to the current structure, cutting the number of forces down from 117.

The government claims its plans will deliver better governance and improve both national capabilities for challenging crimes and local visibility of policing. Yet, unlike in 1962, 2026 reform avoids addressing a key problem: the relationship the public wants with the police.

The idea of “policing by consent” underpins policing in the UK. Key to this is the police working with the public. But fewer than half of the public have confidence in their local policing. Data consistently shows the public do not like or want what they are getting.

The government is proposing to introduce new local policing guarantees, setting out “the minimum levels of service the public should expect to receive from their police force wherever in England and Wales they live”.

But this doesn’t need to involve a massive structural overhaul. Research tells us what the public wants is basic: they want the police to turn up, and care. Good policing relies on building relationships of trust – but you can’t achieve that by not being there.

Lack of response

The police inspectorate has noted in recent years that understaffing and inexperienced policing teams have left forces unable to respond effectively: “This can lead to non-emergency calls for help from the public waiting days for a response, or investigations failing because key lines of enquiry have been missed.”

As part of the overhaul, the government is proposing national response and performance targets for 999 calls and for officers attending a scene. Slow response times are one thing, but not turning up at all is the bigger issue. Reports of forces screening out calls sends a message to the public that the police don’t care, and to criminals that they can get away with it.

The government argues that its proposed approach will mean less pressure on local forces to address national issues, freeing up resources to deal with local crime. But the current largest force, the Met, struggles to solve large numbers of reported crimes. I would argue that moving local policing further away from communities will further erode any working relationship with policing’s greatest stakeholder: the public.

The Neighbourhood Policing Guarantee introduced in April 2025 promised to deliver better response times, but the public are still frustrated with the lack of police response to visible, low-level crimes.

Shoplifting alone is seen to be “spiralling out of control” with a brazen 20% increase in the year to March 2025. And yet the head of the Met police has called on shopkeepers to do more to protect themselves.

Police response has been flimsy. Neil Bussey/Shutterstock

The proposals aim to “ensure that shop theft and assaults on shopworkers will no longer go unpunished by bringing in new powers and providing additional funding to policing, working with retailers, to take further action”.

When the police do turn up, they do not need new powers, they just need to use the powers they’ve already got. But to do that warranted police officers (with actual powers of arrest) need to be the boots on the ground – not an app, a bot or a drone.

Just like ambulances, the public should be able to rely on the police in an emergency. There needs to be far more proactive, preventative work done with partners on long-term solutions. We simply can’t afford a perpetual reactive problem solving model.

Rebuilding trust

The government is proposing a number of reforms to increase policing standards and trust, including (a yet-to-be costed) “Licence to Practise” that police officers will need to renew over their career. But officers already swear an oath of operational independence for their warrant card – this risks adding more administrative burden on overly stretched officers, despite a claim that administrative red tape will be cut.

Police officer numbers are already falling, with forces losing nearly 1,500 this year alone, largely driven by losses at the Met. The government has committed to 13,000 more neighbourhood officers, but has also placed an emphasis on automative technology. This could, I argue, be used to justify fewer actual police officers in the future.

Rising crime, coupled with falling public confidence, represents a crisis in policing. The argument is that there is an “urgent” need to better tackle crime and improve trust and confidence, yet reforms of this scale will take time.

The police must work with the public on solutions that pay for themselves. This would not rely on restructuring necessarily, just listening to people about what good policing looks like, then working together on making that happen.

John Coxhead receives funding from the Police for Research.