…as his administration marks third anniversary
Mohloai Mpesi
AS Prime Minister Sam Matekane’s coalition government marks three years in office since assuming power in October 2022, political analysts have expressed mixed views about its achievements.
While hailing Mr Matekane’s government for the progress made in infrastructure development and electrification, they have criticised it for failing to address unemployment, food insecurity, and merit-based appointments.
National University of Lesotho (NUL) Political Science lecturer, Professor Motlamelle Kapa, says the current coalition government’s performance has produced mixed results, noting that while some progress has been made, key national issues remain unaddressed.
“Their performance, especially regarding meritocracy — a term they often used but never clearly defined — has been disappointing. They could have done much better,” Prof Kapa said, suggesting that the coalition government’s appointments to various key offices has been based more on politics than competency.
He also said the current administration dithered in implementing the broad-based national reforms programme despite promises in the run-up to the 2022 elections to do so within 100 days of assuming office.
The government also fell short in addressing food security issues on time, he said.
Another NUL Political Science lecturer, Dr Moeketsi Kali, echoed Prof Kapa’s sentiments, describing the Matekane government’s performance as one that “breathes mixed emotions” — combining notable achievements with several unfulfilled promises.
“When the Revolution for Prosperity (RFP) swept into power in October 2022, Basotho were promised a new era of governance defined by integrity, efficiency, and delivery. Three years later, the record is mixed. There are achievements worth recognising, but also unfulfilled promises that continue to frustrate citizens,” Dr Kali said.
Governance expert, Thuso Mosabala, who holds a master’s degree in governance and regional integration, concurred, noting that the government had achieved “procedural reforms but little structural transformation”.
“Inputs refer to institutional and leadership capacity — things like the rule of law and policy coherence. Processes capture how power is exercised — including merit-based appointments and transparency. Outcomes are the tangible results: job creation, service delivery, and citizens’ trust,” he said.
“Applying these measures to the Matekane-led coalition, we find a government that has made notable procedural reforms but limited structural transformation.”
Weathering initial storms
Mr Matekane succeeded the All Basotho Convention (ABC) and Democratic Congress (DC) coalition led by former Prime Minister Dr Moeketsi Majoro, who was deputised by DC leader Mathibeli Mokhothu.
The RFP, which was only six months old when it registered with the Independent Electoral Commission (IEC) in March 2022, won 57 constituencies — only four short of the 61 required for a parliamentary majority.
The RFP subsequently formed a three-party coalition with Selibe Mochoboroane’s Movement for Economic Change (MEC) and Professor Ntoi Rapapa’s Alliance of Democrats (AD).
Later, in November 2023, the coalition expanded to include Mothetjoa Metsing’s Lesotho Congress for Democracy (LCD), Reverend Paul Masiu’s Lesotho People’s Congress (LPC), ‘Machabana Lemphane-Letsie’s HOPE-Mphatlalatsane, and Professor Nqosa Mahao’s Basotho Action Party (BAP).
However, Prof Mahao later fell out with Mr Matekane and was dismissed as Minister of Energy in November 2024. His subsequent attempt to withdraw BAP from the coalition was rejected by the Speaker of the National Assembly, Tlohang Sekhamane, who ruled that only the BAP parliamentary caucus could decide on such a matter.
Four of the six MPs from his BAP party also opposed him and opted to remain in government.
The Matekane-led administration has not had an easy ride.
It narrowly survived a motion of no confidence filed on 16 October 2023 by opposition Basotho National Party (BNP) leader Machesetsa Mofomobe, with support from then-DC legislator Mootsi Lehata, who has since defected to the RFP.
Speaker Sekhamane halted the motion after RFP’s Thaba-Moea MP, Puseletso Lejone, challenged it in the Constitutional Court.
Mr Lejone argued that the Ninth Amendment to the Constitution — which prevented a sitting prime minister from dissolving parliament when faced with a no-confidence vote — was unconstitutional. The Constitutional Court ruled in his favour, and the opposition’s appeal to the Court of Appeal also failed.
RFP lost three MPs; Mahali Phamotse (Matlakeng) who formed her own party (the United African Transformation), along with Rethabile Letlailane (Lithoteng) and Lephoi Makara (Malimong) who joined DC. On the other hand, Mr Matekane’s party gained five; Peiso Kelane (Maletsunyane), Maimane Maphathe (Matelile), Mr Lehata (Makhaleng) and Lehlohonolo Hlapisi (Maliepetsana) – all from DC, as well as AD’s Mokoto Hloaele from Malibamatšo.
The RFP now has a total of 59 MPs and with the support of his coalition allies, the Prime Minister now enjoys a comfortable majority. Barring unforeseen circumstances, he could be the first sitting Prime Minister to last a full term since 2012.
Reforms promise broken
To mark its third anniversary since the 28 October 2022 inauguration, the Matekane administration is this week hosting a Cabinet retreat in Mohale’s Hoek to reflect on its journey thus far.
“They committed themselves to implementing the reforms programme and even pledged to start within the first 100 days of taking office, but we saw them taking too long to act. Ultimately, they passed the 10th Amendment to the Constitution Bill, which contained elements that could have addressed the issue of meritocracy, but they delayed too long in handling the reforms,” Prof Kapa noted.
He faulted the government for allowing controversies surrounding the reforms to remain unresolved.
Prof Kapa cited local civic organisation Section 2’s court battle seeking the annulment of the entire 10th Amendment to the Constitution Act of 2025 as a case in point.
“They didn’t handle the process as well as they should have. There are controversies around some aspects of it — had they followed the approach of the former National Reforms Authority (NRA), they wouldn’t be facing these problems.
“If they had divided the Bill into its original three segments, there wouldn’t have been an issue. It’s unclear how matters requiring a referendum were merged with those that didn’t. Because of that, Section 2 now wants the whole thing annulled, which would set the country far back (if its court application succeeds). They didn’t do well in that regard.”
Prof Kapa added that little progress has been made since the Bill’s passage.
“You don’t see them passing the Acts of Parliament necessary to implement the Bill. Nor do you hear them discussing the next set of Bills — they are silent. We haven’t heard them mention the Eleventh Amendment.”
Big on infrastructure, poor on food security
However, he applauded the government for notable achievements in road infrastructure and electrification.
“In those areas, they’ve done exceptionally well. The quality of road projects is impressive, even to a non-expert, and their nationwide electrification efforts are commendable”.
On the other hand, he said the government is lagging behind in addressing food insecurity.
“The area where they are seriously lacking is food security. Initially, even before passing the budget, they seemed to invest heavily in agriculture, but now progress is slow. If you pass near Masianokeng, where farmers queue for implements, you’ll see how sluggish the process has become.”
Prof Kapa added that unemployment remains visibly high, with little progress to show, though crime rates appear to have dropped.
“They haven’t done anything clearly visible on unemployment. After declaring it a national disaster, they started advertising positions in the public service, but we haven’t seen reports on how many people have been hired. They did try, under pressure of course.
“We used to frequently hear of shooting incidents, but they seem to have contained crime — we no longer hear as many reports of violent cases as we used to,” he added.
He said the government’s overall performance has been mixed.
“There are areas where they’ve done well — particularly roads and electricity provision — but in others, they’ve fallen short.”
On the other hand, while largely concurring with Prof Kapa’s views, Dr Kali commended the government for making strides in agriculture, including subsidies for seeds, fertilisers, and farming implements.
“On the positive side, agriculture has been one of the strongest areas of performance. The government rolled out significant subsidies to ease the burden on farmers and boost local production.”
Haunted by cronyism
He, however, expressed concern that the government’s interventions in agriculture were tainted by cronyism.
“However, in practice, party supporters — the so-called ‘rich’ — benefited more than the poor, making the process flawed,” Dr Kali said.
He also praised progress in infrastructure development, citing major projects such as the Roma–St. Michael’s rehabilitation and the TY road upgrades.
In addition, he applauded initiatives to support entrepreneurship and job creation, such as the Competitiveness and Financial Inclusion (CAFI) Project and the Entrepreneurship Hub and Seed Financing Facility launched in 2023, which “have given start-ups and small businesses much-needed support.”
He added that CAFI “has already supported between 10 and 15 emerging businesses.”
On the other hand, Dr Kali cautioned that while the Sebabatso Youth Apprenticeship Programme provided valuable opportunities, reports of corruption and misuse of funds have marred its credibility.
“There have been reports of misuse of funds within the programme, including cases where certain individuals’ employees were paid through it. The transparency of the initiative is questionable — much like the politically influenced Home Affairs recruitment,” he said.
Among other failures by the government, Dr Kali highlighted the problems surrounding issuance of IDs and passports, a process clogged in incessant delays.
“While ID issuance may no longer be a problem, the passport and citizenship processes remain a major challenge,” he said.
Dr Kali credited the government for its early fiscal discipline, particularly the clearing of arrears owed to service providers within its first 100 days, which he described as “a major relief to the public.”
Nonetheless, he said the government has failed to follow through on promises such as performance contracts for principal secretaries and ministers, and employment based on meritocracy.
“Many bold pledges from 2022 remain unrealised. Prime Minister Matekane promised to sign and publish performance contracts within 30 days, but these were never made public. The wider performance system for government remains elusive,” he said.
Anti-corruption drive falters
Dr Kali criticised the administration for procurement irregularities surrounding the M184 million Moshoeshoe I International Airport facelift, saying the case “highlights the Prime Minister’s failure to enforce compliance and root out corruption.”
He further noted the government’s “interference with the Director of Public Prosecutions (DPP)” as a sign of “protecting corruption rather than combating it.”
He also pointed to the controversial appointments of DCEO Director-Generals and the recent dissolution of the Government Assets Search Recovery Task Team (GASRTT) as indicators of half-hearted commitment to combating corruption.
“Anti-corruption was meant to be the hallmark of the RFP ‘revolution,’ but the rhetoric has not matched the reality. The government asset recovery task team had shown progress in tracing misappropriated funds, but once the trail led to close allies, everything stalled,” he said.
He concluded: “The RFP government has delivered tangible benefits in agriculture, infrastructure, and youth empowerment — but has fallen short on transparency, accountability, and deeper systemic reforms. For Basotho, the issue is not about promises made but promises kept.”
Mr Mosabala acknowledged efforts such as the Public Service Charter and procurement reforms but said “deeper governance processes remain weak due to politicised appointments, limited transparency, and inconsistent accountability”.
“In terms of outcomes, economic stability has improved, but unemployment remains high and inclusive development gains have not materialised. After three years, the government’s reform progress remains more symbolic than transformative.
“For the remainder of its term, it must turn reform rhetoric into measurable outcomes — through transparent procurement, genuine meritocracy, and credible anti-corruption enforcement — if it is to deliver the governance renewal Basotho were promised.”
“Captured security cluster”
Dr Khosi Mahlakeng, another political science lecturer at NUL said that the fact that this coalition government has lasted longer than the ones before it, does not reflect stability as many people may assume.
He said the regime owes its relative longevity to heavy reliance on the military and police meddling with governance “otherwise it could have easily been toppled by now”.
Dr Mahlakeng referred to the October 16, 2023 bid by the opposition to overthrow the government through a no-confidence motion, which was vehemently opposed by three heads of the security cluster.
The Lesotho Defence Force (LDF) commander, Lieutenant-General Mojalefa Letsoela, then Police Commissioner Homolo Molibeli, and then National Security Service (NSS) Director-General, Pheello Ralenkoane, jointly made a bold statement warning MPs to desist from their attempt to overthrow the government through a no-confidence motion.
“The silence doesn’t mean stability. The regime lasted this long because of the military and police intervention. If those institutions had not intervened, the government could have fallen. That intervention was a violation of people’s rights.
“I think other coalitions could have equally survived if they had made similar manoeuvres. Even now, there is infringement of people’s rights in terms of blocking protests or citizens’ right to express their concerns.
“A close example is the march that has been prepared and given clear instructions to start at Sethaleng sa Mopapa (near Maseru Mall) to the Moshoeshoe I Statue (close to the CBD). That specific route was deliberately imposed because the Prime Minister decided to conveniently excuse himself from office ostensibly to open a new building at Ha-Foso (far away from the march’s route),” he said.
Dr Mahlakeng said the fact that the government has lasted this long doesn’t necessarily mean there is sufficient support for it.
“We have to ask: Has it lasted while adhering to democratic principles, or is it lasting because it is oppressing people’s rights?” he said.
He drew parallels with Rwanda, saying “its economy is good, but Paul Kagame has been in power for a long time because he has killed many of his opponents, some of whom met their fate in exile in South Africa.”
He also accused the government of “capturing” and incorporating potential critics into its structures to stifle dissent.
“In this government, civil society has been captured because people like Sofonea Shale (a known civil rights leader) have now been employed into government. Media has been captured because people like Mabote (Thapelo) and others are now employed by the government,” he added.
Dr Mahlakeng also questioned Mr Matekane’s donations to the police and army a few months before launching the RFP, describing it as a premeditated manoeuvre to capture key security structures ahead of assuming power.
He, however, conceded that Mr Matekane’s government had made sincere moves to address pressing economic challenges, especially by improving roads which are the key arteries of commerce.
