Mutapa Empire
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Kingdom of Mutapa Mwene we Mutapa | |||||||||||||||||
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| 15th century–1888 | |||||||||||||||||
| Capital | Various (incl. Zvongombe) | ||||||||||||||||
| Common languages | Shona | ||||||||||||||||
| Religion | Shona traditional religion | ||||||||||||||||
| Government | Monarchy | ||||||||||||||||
| Mwenemutapa/ Munhumutapa | |||||||||||||||||
• 15th century | Nyatsimba Mutota (first, according to tradition) | ||||||||||||||||
• 1740–1759 | Dehwe Mupunzagutu (last) | ||||||||||||||||
| History | |||||||||||||||||
• Established | 15th century | ||||||||||||||||
• Portuguese protectorate | 1629 | ||||||||||||||||
• Mutapa dynasty schism | 1712 | ||||||||||||||||
• Disintegrated in Civil war | 1760 | ||||||||||||||||
• Conquered by the Portuguese | 1888 | ||||||||||||||||
| Area | |||||||||||||||||
| 16th century[1][dubious – discuss] | 700,000 km2 (270,000 sq mi) | ||||||||||||||||
| |||||||||||||||||
The Mutapa Empire – also referred to as Mwenemutapa or Munhumutapa, (Shona: Mwene we Mutapa, Portuguese: Monomotapa) – was an African empire in Zimbabwe, which expanded to what is now modern-day Mozambique, Botswana, Malawi, and Zambia.

The Portuguese term Monomotapa is a transliteration of the Shona royal title Mwenemutapa derived from a combination of two words, Mwene meaning "Lord" and Mutapa meaning "conquered land".[2] Over time the monarch's royal title was applied to the kingdom as a whole, and used to denote the kingdom's territory on maps from the period.[3]
Geography
[edit]The Mutapa Empire was situated on the northern part of the Zimbabwean Plateau, which borders the Zambezi and Limpopo rivers and valleys to the north and south respectively, the Indian Ocean in the east, and the Kalahari Desert to the west. Several rivers traverse the Plateau, including the Save, Pungwe, and Runde.[4]: 5 The Plateau largely consists of savanna-woodland with musasa and munondo trees on higher ground, and mufuti and munondo on lower ground.[5]: 2 The Plateau is inhabited by elephants, lions, leopards, and deer, among others.[4]: 7
History
[edit]Origins
[edit]Shona oral tradition attributes Great Zimbabwe's demise to a salt shortage, which may be a figurative way of speaking of land depletion for agriculturalists or of the depletion of critical resources for the community.[6][7]: 10 One version says that the founder of Mutapa, Mutota (also called "Nyatsimba" or "Nemasengere"), was the son of Zimbabwean mambo (king) Chimubatamatosi, and led an army north through Shangwe to conquer Dande while searching for salt.[a] A second version says that some Karanga from Great Zimbabwe migrated slowly to the northern Zimbabwean Plateau. Accordingly, an elephant hunter in Shangwe named Mutota gained prominence, and took interest in trade along the Zambezi, while also finding salt in Dande.[11]: 38–9 In the early-15th century Angoche traders had opened a new route along the Zambezi via the Tonga and Tavara to reach the goldfields close to Khami (capital of the Kingdom of Butua).[11]: 39 [12]: 50–1 Accordingly the Karanga made alliances and intermarried with the Tonga and Tavara, and via influencing succession disputes they increased their power in the region. Mutota is said to have been an hunter-warrior in the militaristic Nzou Samanyanga clan, which he led to Dande. Mutota established the capital of the nascent Mutapa Kingdom at Chitako-Changonya Hill where he built a stone enclosure (zimbabwe), and he distributed land and administrative positions to his allies. Mutota is said to have extended his rule over 'Guruuswa' (a territory to the south) before his death.[11]: 39–40
Stan Mudenge wrote that Shona traditions are likely telescoped[b] due to them only mentioning around half of the known rulers, and that the events surrounding Mutota and his successors before c. 1490 may have taken place over the course of several generations of rulers. Rulers belonging to different royal houses were sometimes 'forgotten' so as to weaken the houses' claims to succession. Mudenge, David Beach, and Innocent Pikirayi consider the second version of tradition to be closer to the true process of state formation, and Beach and Pikirayi date this process to the 14th and 15th centuries.[13][14]: 176 [11]: 37–8 Beach thought that Mutota may have been a symbolic figure, as there is no mention of him as Mutapa's founder in traditions recorded before the 1860s; traditions recorded in the 18th century made no mention of him at all and held "Nemapangere" and "Nemangoro" as the first rulers.[c][8]: 61–2
Mutota is said to have been succeeded by one of his sons, either Nemangoro or Matope (also called "Nyanhehwe" or "Nebedza"). Matope is more famous and widely revered, compared to Nemangoro about whom little is said, which Mudenge says indicates that Nemangoro must have ruled before Matope for mention of him to survive in some traditions. Traditions say that Mutota stated that any son wanting to succeed him had to commit incest with their sister Nyamhita, who became known as Nehanda.[d] Tradition continues that Matope established his zimbabwe in Bedza, and embarked on numerous military campaigns, first conquering all Tavara and Tonga from the Musengezi River eastwards to the Ruenya River. During the campaign he allied a member of the local Nguruve clan called Chimupore who was allocated Barue; traditions vary on whether Matope extended his rule to the Indian Ocean at this time or just before his death. After this, Matope encountered resistance led by the Tavara Nhari Unendoro clan near Choma. The clan leader's spokesman was Karuva, rainmaking-priest of the Dzivaguru cult. Based on traditions, Mudenge wrote that the Tavara fiercely resisted Matope, and that it was only when Karuva's son Chikuma betrayed the Tavara that he was able to subdue them. With this, Matope gained control over trade routes along the Zambezi, providing security at the bazaars near Sena for Muslim Swahili traders from Angoche.[11]: 40–5 Like with Mutota, Beach and Mudenge say that Matope may represent multiple rulers' reigns.[11]: 38 [8]: 68
Revolts and contact with the Portuguese
[edit]According to tradition, Matope was succeeded by his son Mavhura, about whom little is known. Another of his sons, Nyahuma Mukombero, became king and expanded to conquer Uteve. Uteve was a valuable region because Kilwa and Sofala (rivals of Angoche) traded with the interior via it. Traditions say that the conquest was aided by the governor of Guruuswa (Mutapa's southern province), Changamire I, though they vary on the details. One version says that Mukombero placed his son in charge of the newly-conquered land, while Teve traditions say that Changamire aided Bandahuma, a brother of the Mwenemutapa, to flee his brother and found a new kingdom, becoming the first Sachiteve.[11]: 46
The genealogy of Changamire I has been the subject of speculation by scholars. Some scholars say he was a member of the Torwa dynasty of Butua or a friend of them, while others say he was a son of Matope or that he married one of Matope's daughters. After analysing Valoyi traditions, Mathebula and Mokgoatšana say that Changamire was likely a descendant of both dynasties, being the son of Matope or having married Matope's daughter (or both were true and he married his sister).[17] According to Diogo de Alcáçova's 1506 account, rumours were spread by others close to Mukombero that Changamire (an influential Mutapa governor and member of the Torwa dynasty)[12]: 54 was plotting for the kingship, and Mukombero ordered Changamire to undertake a poison trial, wherein if he drank the poison (muteyo) and was harmed by it, he was deemed guilty. Accordingly, c. 1490 Changamire led an army to Mukombwe's zimbabwe and killed him, afterwards assuming the kingship. He is also said to have killed 21 of Mukombwe's sons, with Chikuyo Chisamarengu being the only one to escape.[11]: 47–8 Around 1494, Chikuyo returned with a large army, and they fought a long and deadly battle ending in Changamire I's death. Chikuyo assumed the kingship and consolidated his rule over the empire, except for Guruuswa which stayed loyal to the successor Changamire II; over the course of the following decades the Mwenemutapa is known to have fought Changamire II (likely aided by Butua) intermittently, until at least 1512.[18]: 119 [12]: 54 [11]: 48–9
Meanwhile, Sachiteve Bandahuma of Uteve gradually became independent with the help of Changamire II, and both Bandahuma and Mwenemutapa Chikuyo set their sights on conquering the highlands of Manyika, situated in between Guruuswa and Uteve. A loyal vassal of Mukombero, Barue king Makombe, sent his son Chikanga who occupied Manyika and fended off Bandahuma's son Nyamunda, who turned to conquer Madanda and installed a brother as Sedanda. The following years saw Sofala's trade route re-established, and in 1506 the Portuguese gained control of Sofala. There was relative peace between Mutapa and its enemies, until c. 1515 when Nyamunda began campaigns to expand his territory. Nyamunda sought to expand towards Sofala and then gain the Portuguese's help in conquering Manyika from Mutapa, after which he'd control the lucrative trade route. However the Portuguese had little to offer and sought relations with Mutapa, resulting in relations between them and Nyamunda souring. As the Mutapa-Teve war ensued, Chikuyo faced two revolts (one by a general named Sono) and reportedly warred with Butua. Chikuyo died around 1530, and is said to have been succeeded by Mwenemutapa 'Neshangwe Munembire' (Beach says that he likely isn't historical, as "neshangwe" "munembire" literally means "ruler of Shangwe" "person of Mbire").[13][11]: 49–55 In the following decades, the Portuguese supplanted Swahili traders along the Zambezi trade route by replacing the bazaars with the settlements of Quelimane, Sena, and Tete. Little is known about the Mutapa-Teve wars, except that it was reignited for a short time during the early 1540s. In 1547, a Muslim trader, supported by the Portuguese, led a campaign against the Sachiteve (either Nyamunda or his successor Chipute) to conquer the lands around the "River of Sofala" (either the Buzi or Pungwe river).[11]: 55–57
According to tradition, Mwenemutapa 'Neshangwe Munembire' was succeeded by Chivere Nyasoro (son of Chikuyo) c. 1550, who is said to have murdered an older brother to gain the kingship. During his reign, a son of 'Neshangwe Munembire' called 'Nyandoro Mukomohasha' is said to have reconquered and ruled the Tonga in between the Ruya and Mazoe rivers and to have been appointed as the supreme commander of Mutapa's armies to guard the Zambezi trade route; local traditions say that the Nyandoro dynasty preceded other local dynasties. Contrary to Mutapa tradition, contemporary Portuguese records said that the Mukomohasha was "Tonga", and both proposed successor dynasties have a Tavara totem.[13][11]: 57 Chivere was succeeded by his son Negomo Mupunzagutu around 1560.[e][11]: 59 Negomo was told that a prestigious Portuguese mhondoro/n'anga (medium/diviner) would be sent to his court, and in 1561 Gonçalo da Silveira arrived at Negomo's zimbabwe. Silveira was an ardent anti-Muslim nobleman and member of the Society of Jesus, who sought to convert the Mwenemutapa to Christianity so that he would favour Portuguese traders and counter Muslim influence, an attitude that contradicted the diverse and collaborative culture of trade along the Zambezi. The young and unmarried Negomo was impressed by Silveira, and after experiencing dreams about the Virgin Mary, he agreed to be baptised. Silveira's asceticism and generosity increased his influence, and he baptised hundreds of high-ranking officials. Religious leaders (who Mudenge wrote were key for the state's cohesiveness), Muslim traders, and court officials who had refused to be converted saw Silveira as a threat and collaborated to turn Negomo against him. Historians have traditionally interpreted the conspiracy as having told Negomo Silveira was a secret ally of Sachiteve Chipute, a Portuguese imperialist, and muroyi (wizard), though Gai Roufe says that Silveira was viewed as embodying the spirit of Karuva/Dzivaguru (a foreign spirit, shavi, which were feared).[f] Silveira was strangled with rope or ribbon and thrown into the Musengezi River.[19][11]: 65–8 Days later, Portuguese merchants arrived to say that God would punish Negomo and the viceroy would send an army to avenge Silveira; Negomo blamed Muslims and had those involved killed. Famine and disease followed soon after which greatly unsettled Negomo. Nevertheless, Mudenge says that Silveira's revolution had been suppressed.[11]: 68–9
The accidental crusade
[edit]Silveira's murder was all the justification the Portuguese needed to penetrate the interior and take control of the gold mines and ivory routes. After a lengthy preparation, an expedition of 1,000 men under Francisco Barreto was launched in 1568. They managed to get as far as the upper Zambezi, but local disease decimated the force. The Portuguese returned to their base in 1572 and took their frustrations out on the Swahili traders, whom they massacred. They replaced them with Portuguese and their half-African progeny who became prazeiros (estate holders) of the lower Zambezi. Mutapa maintained a position of strength exacting a subsidy from each captain of Portuguese Mozambique that took the office. The Mwenemutapa also levied a duty of 50 percent on all trade goods imported.[20]
Decline and collapse
[edit]Mutapa proved invulnerable to attack and even economic manipulation due to the Mwenemutapa's strong control over gold production.[20] What posed the greatest threat was infighting among different factions which led to opposing sides calling on the Portuguese for military aid. However, the Portuguese proved to be happy with the downfall of the Mutapa state.
Portuguese control
[edit]
In 1629 the Mwenemutapa attempted to throw out the Portuguese. He failed and in turn he himself was overthrown, leading to the Portuguese installation of Mavura Mhande Felipe on the throne.[21] Mutapa signed treaties making it a Portuguese vassal and ceding gold mines, but none of these concessions were ever put into effect.[20] Mutapa remained nominally independent, though practically a client state. All the while, Portugal increased control over much of southeast Africa with the beginnings of a colonial system. The Portuguese were now in control of the trade and the trade routes.
Loss of prestige
[edit]Another problem for Mutapa was that its tributaries such as Kiteve, Madanda and Manyika ceased paying tribute. At the same time, a new kingdom under the Rozvi dynasty near Barwe was on the rise. All of this was hastened by Portugal retaining a presence on the coast and in the capital.[20] At least one part of the 1629 treaty that was acted on was the provision allowing Portuguese settlement within Mutapa. It also allowed the praezeros to establish fortified settlements across the kingdom. In 1663, the praezeros were able to depose Mwenemutapa Siti Kazurukamusapa and put their own nominee, Kamharapasu Mukombwe on the throne.[22]
Butwa invasion
[edit]In the 17th century, a low ranking Mutapa prince broke away from the Empire, invading the neighboring Kingdom of Butua. The leader of this dynasty was known as Changamire Dombo (pronounced as Ɗömbö). A possible reason for the breakaway was Dombo's dissatisfaction with the levels of Portuguese interference in the Mwenemutapa Empire's governance.[citation needed] Stan Mudenge wrote that the Portuguese prioritisation of profit harmed the loyalty of provincial chiefs (who would usually receive gifts), creating the conditions for Dombo's revolt.[23]: 186
By the late 17th century, Changamire Domborakonachingwango was actively challenging Mutapa. In 1684 his forces encountered and decisively defeated those of Mwenemutapa Kamharapasu Mukombwe just south of Mutapa's metro district at the Battle of Mahungwe. When Mukombwe died in 1692, a succession crisis erupted. The Portuguese backed one successor and Dombo another. In support of his candidate, Changamire Dombo razed the Portuguese fair-town of Dembarare next to the Mutapa capital and slaughtered the Portuguese traders and their entire following. From 1692 until 1694, Mwenemutapa Nyakambira ruled Mutapa independently. Nyakambira was later killed in battle with the Portuguese who then placed Nyamaende Mhande on the throne as their puppet.
In 1695, Dombo overran the gold-producing Kingdom of Manyika and took his army east and destroyed the Portuguese fair-town of Masikwesi. This gave him complete control of all gold-producing territory from Butwa to Manyika, supplanting Mutapa as the premier Shona Kingdom in the region.[24]
Shifting rulers
[edit]It appears neither the Rozwi nor the Portuguese could maintain control of the Mutapa state for very long, and it moved back and forth between the two throughout the 17th century. Far from a victim of conquest, the Mutapa rulers actually invited in foreign powers to bolster their rule. This included vassalage to Portuguese East Africa from 1629 to 1663 and vassalage to the Rozwi Empire from 1663 until the Portuguese return in 1694. Portuguese control of Mutapa was maintained or at least represented by an armed garrison at the capital. In 1712, yet another coveter of the throne invited the Rozwi back to put him on the throne and kick out the Portuguese. This they did, and Mutapa again came under the control of the Rozwi Empire. The new Mwenemutapa Samatambira Nyamhandu I become their vassal, while the outgoing king was forced to retreat to Chidama in what is now Mozambique.
Independence and move from Zimbabwe
[edit]The Rozwi quickly lost interest in Mutapa, as they sought to consolidate their position in the south. Mutapa regained its independence around 1720. By this time, the Kingdom of Mutapa had lost nearly all of the Zimbabwe plateau to the Rozwi Empire. In 1723, Nyamhandi moved his capital into the valley near the Portuguese trading settlement of Tete, under Mwenemutapa Nyatsusu. Upon his death in 1740, the young Dehwe Mapunzagutu took power. He sought Portuguese support and invited them back to Mutapa along with their garrison of armed men, but Mutapa remained independent.
Collapse
[edit]The Mwenemutapa died in 1759, sparking yet another civil war for the throne. This one was more destructive than its predecessors and Mutapa never recovered. The "winners" ended up governing an even more reduced land from Chidima. They used the title Mambo a Chidima and ruled independently of Portugal until 1917 when Mambo Chioko, the last king of the dynasty, was killed in battle against the Portuguese.
Government
[edit]Kingship and central government
[edit]The state was headed by a mambo (king/emperor) with the title Mwenemutapa. A royal court was called zimbabwe ("large house of stone"), and was enclosed by stone walls and located at the capital. Some later rulers built their courts out of mud and wood, enclosed by wood fences. A new Mwenemutapa could relocate the capital, though that was only usually done if strategically necessary. Capitals were initially located in the Dande-Musengezi area, and moved to the region of Chidima (modern-day Mozambique) in the 18th century. Wives of the Mwenemutapa (vakaranga; "junior wives") were chosen from the daughters of his vassals (reinforcing political relations and alliances), and numbered in the hundreds (possibly thousands according to one source). They were divided into nine 'houses', the heads of which were Mazvarira, Nehanda, Nabuiza, Navemba, Nemangore, Nezangoapangi, Nemangoro, Nessanhi, and Necharunda. Mazvarira and Nehanda were sisters or close relatives of the Mwenemutapa and served as ambassadors to the Portuguese and Swahili traders respectively, while only Nabuiza lived with the Mwenemutapa as the first 'non-ritualistic' wife. Traditionally the only sister-wife of Matope, Nehanda was likely the initial Chief Wife, though Mazvarira is recorded as holding the position in the 16th and 17th centuries (possibly because of the importance of relations with the Portuguese). Nehanda was Chief Wife in the 18th century, though she had lost her authority and power as the state had lost control of Handa (in Dande). Only the sister-wives were permitted to have sexual relations with people other than the Mwenemutapa, and their children were not eligible for the kingship. In the 16th and 17th centuries the eight chief wives besides Nabuiza lived in large settlements not far from the capital and had their own polities and 'palaces'.[25]: 77–9, 104–10
The royal court included the Dare (Council), which consisted of the Mwenemutapa's ministers and advisors (appointed by him personally, sometimes from specific families). The Nengomasha was the Chief Minister and the second most powerful figure in the state. Stan Mudenge wrote that the holder of the position was likely a prince, and that its description as "governor of the kingdoms/provinces" may mean the holder liaised with provincial governors, or that he had a role in appointing their successors. In the 18th and 19th centuries, the Nengomasha house lost their position as Chief Minister, and instead became guardians of the royal graves along with other royal houses. The Nevinje (heir) became the second most powerful figure, while the position of Chief Minister went to the Nevinga house and Nechinanga clan in the 18th and 19th centuries respectively. The Mukomohasha was the supreme commander of Mutapa's forces, though the state did not have a standing army. After Nyambo Kaparidze (of the Mukomohasha house) lost the kingship to Mavura in the 17th century, the position of supreme commander primarily went to the Nechinanga clan, and was held by the Chimumo in the 19th century. The Ambuya (a position held by a Tavara) was the Chief Steward and treasurer, and was in charge of royal finances and appointing the Mazvarira. The position of mbokorume was held by the Mwenemutapa's son-in-law, who served as the king's loyal right-hand man. Other important offices present at the royal court included the Chief Musician (in charge of the court musicians), the Chief Door-Keeper (Nyamasuo), the Chief N'anga/Diviner (Netondo), and another priest titled Bushu (the latter two were held by Tavaras due to them being varidzi vevhu, "owners of the soil"). Family members such as the Mwenemutapa's mother, uncles, and princes (machinda) could also attend court and offer advice. Minor positions included bodyguards/executioners, musicians, dancers, praise singers, cooks, and pages (who were the sons of provincial rulers).[25]: 85–104
Succession
[edit]In theory, the succession system was adelphic collateral succession, where the kingship rotated between royal houses (said to derive from Mutota's sons), travelling from brother to brother until that generation is exhausted, before moving to the first son of the first brother, then to the first son of the second brother etc. In practice, succession often saw conflict between brothers and was decided by force, greatly weakening the state; Stan Mudenge wrote that of the 28 successions between 1692 and 1902, 16 involved conflict, 3 were peaceful, and 9 were unknown.[25]: 79–84 During the mourning period (chiriro) after a ruler's death, a state of war (Pembere) was traditionally declared.[19] The mourning period was accompanied by complete lawlessness, reportedly to emphasise the importance of having a Mwenemutapa. An 18th-century source says that a deceased Mwenemutapa's body was excarnated by being hung in a hut, then wrapped in cow skin and buried in their zimbabwe. The senior wife and some other women lived at the gravesite and served as its guardians. The future mhondoro (medium/royal spirit) of the deceased Mwenemutapa also resided there.[26][25]: 80–1
As part of a new ruler's coronation, Gai Roufe says that the tradition of Matope's conquest of Karuva was re-enacted: in the 18th century a chief minister took on the title of Nevinga and ruled for three days, after which the candidate told the Nevinga he had to die so that he could govern. The Nevinga was then strangled with a ribbon by a group led by the mbokorume. If there was a succession conflict, the losing candidate was captured alive and held in luxurious custody for three days before being killed in the same way.[19] The practice of initiating a Nevinga interregnum ended in the mid-18th century, either having been abolished by Mwenemutapa Nyamhandu due to no ministers wanting the title, or having fallen out of use because there were no longer any peaceful successions. During the coronation, a cow was killed and offered to the royal midzimu (ancestral spirits), as well as to the spirit of Karuva/Dzivaguru by Dzivaguru priests. The Mwenemutapa was then crowned by Netondo (representing Dzivaguru priests). Royal regalia likely included a chiremba choumambo (crown), a quite (throne) or stool, a black-wood assegai with a solid-gold tip, a svimbo (knobkerrie), and a mubhadha (staff).[25]: 79–80, 84
Mhondoro, Karuva, and the role of religion in the state
[edit]The mhondoro institution is said to have been created by Matope, who proclaimed that his spirit was immortal and that it would pass through a lion (the literal meaning of mhondoro), allowing it to serve the population forever. Accordingly, his sister Nehanda and his brothers Nemangoro and Samarengo followed suit. Together with Mhondoro Mutota, they comprised the principal/national mhondoro. Mhondoro were regarded as guardians who mediated between Mwari (God) and the people, and had their own defined 'spirit provinces' in which the svikiro (medium, also called mhondoro while possessed) resided. Later Mwenemutapas also became mhondoro, which were associated with their royal houses, as did local chiefs. Others mentioned in 18th-century records include Mhondoro Nyamasoka, Mhondoro Nyamapfeka, and Mhondoro Nyamukova. In 18th- and 19th-century Portuguese records, Matope is mentioned as the supreme mhondoro, though since the return of Mutota's mhondoro in the late-19th or early-20th century, seniority has reflected the Mutapa genealogy. The national mhondoro were consulted on national matters such as war, succession disputes, rainmaking, and natural disasters, and they implicitly served to voice the consensus among the population, due to the risk of the people claiming a svikiro had been fooled by a spirit or denouncing them as a fraud. Their support for the Mwenemutapa was important for the stability and cohesiveness of the state.[27][28]: 123–7
While the mhondoro institution was being developed in the early years of the Mutapa state, so was the Dzivaguru-Karuva cult among the Tavara. According to tradition, Karuva was a member of the Nhari Unendoro clan and famous rainmaker-priest of the Dzivaguru (God) cult who resisted Matope's conquest, and was said to have drowned in Nyamakate pool. The pool was near to the Mitimichena shrine (controlled by the Nhari Unendoro clan), which either continued to be or became the centre of the Dzivaguru cult,[g] as well as the place to venerate Karuva's mudzimu. Over time Karuva and Dzivaguru became closely associated and even conflated, privileging the status of the Nhari Unendoro clan. The Dzivaguru-Karuva cult was thus incorporated into the Mutapa state, rivalling the mhondoro in terms of power due to the Tavara's longer habitation of the land, and Karuva became a mhondoro-type figure. Together, the two institutions served both to check and support the Mwenemutapa, and were treated as avenues to the same Shona high god.[28]: 128–34
Economy
[edit]The economy of the Mutapa state was based in agriculture and pastoralism. The royal cattle herds were likely very numerous (increased through reproduction and tribute), and some were kept as far as 150 km (93 mi) away from the capital. Cattle also served as a store of wealth, and possibly as baggage animals. They were loaned to people in a system called kuronzera, wherein the recipient could sell the cattle's product and keep the profit, though they were not allowed to dispose of the cattle. In practice, this constituted a system of vassalage and served to distribute wealth and food among the population. The Mwenemutapa also gifted cattle as a show of favour. When the state moved to Dande and Chidima in the late-17th century, cattle became less important and were replaced with sheep, goats, and pigs due to the Zambezi Valley being infested with tsetse flies. People using hoes carried out zunde ("labour as tribute") on fields belonging to their sadunhu (ward headman) and ishe (provincial chief), with people in the Mwenemutapa's own province working on royal fields (including those belonging to royal wives). Contemporary sources said that food was abundant (especially on the central plateau), and that feasts were common. Grain (sometimes received as tribute) was kept in granaries (matura), and could be kept for three to five years, mitigating the semi-regular droughts.[23]: 161–6 [12]: 53
One local industry was the production of machira cloth (made from cotton), which could be threaded together with imported cloths. Others included iron- and copper-working, wood-carving, basketry, weaving, and pottery, all undertaken by specialists (nyanzvi).[23]: 187–8 Gold was a secondary source of income for much of the population, and mining and processing was usually done outside of planting and harvest season. Gold deposits were found by inspecting soil types and vegetation (possibly via anthills), which Stan Mudenge said was very effective, and gold reefs were mined and typically exhausted. Underground water often caused mines to be abandoned, and mining was thus typically undertaken during the dry season. Alluvial deposits were extracted by panning. Tribute to the Mwenemutapa was often paid in gold, and, when desired, the Mwenemutapa would pay labourers in cattle to mine some for him. Gold production in the Mutapa state peaked in the years before c. 1500, and declined following Manyika's independence in the 16th century, and again in the 1690s when the Rozvi Empire took control of the remaining gold-producing regions. The decline was also due to the more accessible gold deposits being used up, with the danger of the work and lack of stable income making it less attractive to the population. Elephant hunting was undertaken by the population to obtain meat and ivory, as well as to prevent damage to crops. It was done by either constructing pits which the elephant would fall into, or by spearing and incapacitating a sleeping elephant. The local ishe had a right to the first tusk to touch the ground. Elephants became an important source of wealth following the decline of gold production, and were a crucial source of protein in tsetse-infested Chidima and during famine.[23]: 167–78
External or foreign trade was conducted at bazaars or feiras (Portuguese marketplaces) in Mutapa which were frequented by Muslim and Portuguese traders. Foreign traders either travelled up the Zambezi to reach Tete, then went inland to the marketplaces, or travelled inland across Barue to reach ones in Manyika. In the 18th and 19th centuries, Zumbo was a trading centre for the Rozvi and Chidima. Masapa was a key marketplace during the 16th and early-17th centuries (nicknamed the "gate of Mutapa"), followed by Dambarare in the late-17th century. While most traders exchanged goods at the marketplaces, some employed African agents (vashambadzi) to trade at administrative capitals or big villages, though the Shona population generally preferred their own products over imported goods. Following Changamire Dombo's war in the 1690s, all Portuguese feiras were abandoned save for ones in Manyika. The Mwenemutapa taxed external trade, reportedly receiving one in every 20 pieces of cloth (ie. a 5% tax) that went through Masapa, or one in every 40 (2.5%) while under Portuguese vassalage (provincial chiefs also taxed trade goods that passed through their land). The Mwenemutapa received another tax from foreign traders called kuruva, wherein Muslim or Portuguese traders paid for the permission to trade in Mutapa; if unpaid, the Mwenemutapa seized what was due from traders (called a mupeto; he also regularly received gifts from traders).[23]: 179–84, 187
Society and culture
[edit]Shona socio-political organisation consisted of increasing units of size, namely the nuclear family (imba), the village (musha), the ward (dunhu), and the chiefdom/province (nyika).[h] The imba (which included a husband, his wife/wives, and their children) lived in a compound (mana) which had adjacent fields to grow crops. The largest of these belonged to the father, as the family head, and was worked on by everyone, though the wife/wives and older children also owned gardens. The father attended the village council (dare), and did hunting, cattle-keeping, and strenuous labour, while the wife/wives did housework, cooking (including brewing beer), and agricultural work. The position of village head (samusha or mwenewamusha) usually belonged to the family head of the original founders of the village, and villages tended to consist of male kin and their families ('outsiders' residing in the village were called vutorwa, and may be incorporated via the establishment of 'perpetual kinship' relations). Villages split if the population grew too big, and moved location so as to avoid land degradation. Work parties (nhimbe or humwe) in a village were generally attended by men and 'mature' women, and were organised if someone wanted help with their labour (the wife brewed beer for such occasions). Though men were generally expected to be competent in all tasks, specialists (nyanzvi) were often hired, and were believed to be gain their proficiency from being imbued with spirits. At dare, men expressed views and raised issues, with fines sometimes being imposed; women were only permitted to attend if invited. A ward was usually defined by natural boundaries, and headed by a sadunhu (usually a descendant of the first man in the region or of a conquering dynasty). Capitals of wards were called nzanga and had a higher level of dare, to which village heads occasionally attended. Rest days or zvisi (sing. chisi) were held on the day the original sadunhu was thought to have died (weeks were 10 days long and comprised months which were 30 days long). People paid tribute to a sadunhu with labour (zunde). Nyika were headed by chiefs (madzishe) whose capitals were referred to as mizinda (sing. muzinda), and had a higher level dare. Chiefs received zunde from subjects nearby, while tribute (mupeto) from those further away was paid in goods. They also could raise large armies.[4]: 9–20
When an elephant was killed, the hunters' families and friends joined them to cook and eat it at the site of the carcass. Hunting was a popular sport that, besides the economic benefits, trained martial skills.[23]: 177–8 Records dating to the 16th century describe a custom wherein the Mwenemutapa sent officials visit all settlements, and all fires were to be put out. The population then approached the official who lit a fire for them to use, symbolising submission, with anyone refusing treated as a rebel.[23]: 191 Cases to do with national institutions such as cult centres, mhondoro, and foreign traders were heard in the royal/imperial court, to which court fees were paid.[23]: 193
Religion
[edit]The Emperor Mutope had left the empire with a well-organised religion with a powerful shamanism. The religion of the Mutapa kingdom revolved around ritual consultation of spirits and of ancestors. Shrines were maintained within the capital by spirit mediums known as mhondoro. The mhondoro also served as oral historians recording the names and deeds of past kings.[29]
See also
[edit]- Great Zimbabwe
- History of Zimbabwe
- List of rulers of Mutapa
- Nehanda Nyakasikana
- Interregional caravan trade in East Africa
Notes
[edit]- ^ Some versions say that Mutota was the last ruler of Great Zimbabwe.[8]: 61 Some traditions say that the search for salt was because the Zimbabwean mambo was tired of eating salt made from goat's dung.[9] It was believed that only Mutapa's most recent ancestors would follow them, with older ancestors staying at Great Zimbabwe and providing protection there. A Shona king's claim to land is through their ancestors, and this would have impacted the legitimacy of Mutapa's leaders.[10]
- ^ ie. compressing historical events and processes
- ^ Beach also expressed scepticism about the Mutapa dynasty's origin in Great Zimbabwe, as most early traditions say they originated in 'Guruuswa', a word meaning "long grass" which Beach says was used to refer to less-wooded regions by groups that had migrated from the open central Plateau to wooded valleys near its edges.[8]: 62–3 Archaeological research has however shown Mutapa to have been a northward extension of Great Zimbabwe.[15][16]
- ^ Mudenge wrote that Mutota's demand may be symbolic of Mutota's "consuming ambition for power [leading] him to do the unthinkable", or because the local groups may have been matrilineal and expected Nyamhita to succeed him. Matope is said to have given Nyamhita an area called Handa, as she became known as Nehanda ("ruler of Handa").[11]: 40–1
- ^ Tradition attached to the Mukomohasha title says that Nyandoro Mukomohasha had been inline for the kingship, but refused it because he enjoyed warring too much.[11]: 59
- ^ Roufe refers to accounts where the conclusion of succession conflicts in Mutapa ideally ended with a ritual that re-enacted the local tradition of Matope defeating Karuva, where the losing claimant was strangled to death with a ribbon by a group led by the mbokorume, similar to Silveira's murder. Other accounts say that if the kingship passed peacefully, a lord with the title Nevinga would reign for three days before playing the role of Karuva as part of a coronation ritual. In the tradition Karuva is said to have disappeared into the ground and created a "great lake" (the literal meaning of Dzivaguru), and locals decades later are reported as believing Silveira had been thrown into a lake. Roufe says that this was likely how Silveira was perceived, partly because Negomo was not hostile to the Portuguese after the event.[19]
- ^ Dzivaguru literally means "Great Pool", and can also mean "Source of Water". The high god was also called Chikara (lit. 'heaven', also meaning "He who Dwells in Heaven") and Murungu.[28]: 128
- ^ Nyika also referred to the wider country.[4]: 20
References
[edit]- ^ Bairoch, page 59
- ^ "The Mutapa Empire". ADF Magazine. June 2019. Retrieved 25 February 2025.
- ^ Herbermann, Charles, ed. (1913). . Catholic Encyclopedia. New York: Robert Appleton Company.
- ^ a b c d Mudenge, S. I. G. (1988). "Introduction: The Shona Environment, the Socio-Economic Organisation and Historical Identity". A Political History of Munhumutapa, c. 1400–1902. Zimbabwe Publishing House. ISBN 0949932302.
- ^ Beach, David (1980). "The Shona before 1450". The Shona & Zimbabwe 900-1850: An Outline of Shona History. Pearson Education. ISBN 978-0-435-94505-3.
- ^ Silva, Alberto da Costa (2009). "15. Zimbabué". A enxada e a lança: a África antes dos Portugueses [The Hoe and the Spear: Africa before the Portuguese] (in Portuguese). Rio de Janeiro: Editora Nova Fronteira Participações S.A. ISBN 9788520939475.
- ^ Pikirayi, Innocent (2006). "The Demise of Great Zimbabwe, ad 1420–1550: An Environmental Re-Appraisal". Cities in the World: 1500-2000: v. 3 (1st ed.). Routledge. doi:10.4324/9781315095677. ISBN 978-1-315-09567-7.
- ^ a b c d Beach, David (1980). "The Origins of the Northern and Central Shona before 1650". The Shona & Zimbabwe 900-1850: An Outline of Shona History. Pearson Education. ISBN 978-0-435-94505-3.
- ^ Huffman, T. N. (1972). "The Rise and Fall of Zimbabwe". The Journal of African History. 13 (3): 353–366. doi:10.1017/S0021853700011683. ISSN 1469-5138.
- ^ Huffman, Thomas N. (1 April 2014). "Ritual Space in the Zimbabwe Culture". Journal of Archaeological, Ethnographic and Experimental Studies. 6 (1): 4–39. doi:10.1179/1944289013z.0000000008. ISSN 1944-2890.
- ^ a b c d e f g h i j k l m n o p q Mudenge, S. I. G. (1988). "Munhumutapa Empire from the Foundation to the Martyrdom of Fr Silveira: c. 1400 to 1561". A Political History of Munhumutapa, c. 1400–1902. Zimbabwe Publishing House. ISBN 0949932302.
- ^ a b c d Van Waarden, Catrien (2012). Butua and the End of an Era: The Effect of the Collapse of the Kalanga State on Ordinary Citizens: an Analysis of Behaviour Under Stress. Archaeopress. ISBN 978-1-4073-1019-0.
- ^ a b c Beach, D. N. (1976). "The Mutapa Dynasty: A Comparison of Documentary and Traditional Evidence". History in Africa. 3: 1–17. doi:10.2307/3171558. ISSN 0361-5413.
- ^ Pikirayi, Innocent (1993). The Archaeological Identity of the Mutapa State: Towards an Historical Archaeology of Northern Zimbabwe. Societas Archaeologica Upsaliensis. ISBN 978-91-506-1007-9.
- ^ Pikirayi, Innocent (1 March 2013). "Great Zimbabwe in Historical Archaeology: Reconceptualizing Decline, Abandonment, and Reoccupation of an Ancient Polity, A.D. 1450–1900". Historical Archaeology. 47 (1): 26–37. doi:10.1007/BF03376887. ISSN 2328-1103.
- ^ Pwiti, Gilbert (2004). "Economic change, ideology and the development of cultural complexity in northern Zimbabwe". Azania: Archaeological Research in Africa. 39 (1): 265–282. doi:10.1080/00672700409480403. ISSN 0067-270X.
- ^ Silva, Alberto da Costa (2009). "15. Zimbabué". A enxada e a lança: a África antes dos Portugueses [The Hoe and the Spear: Africa before the Portuguese] (in Portuguese). Rio de Janeiro: Editora Nova Fronteira Participações S.A. ISBN 9788520939475.
- ^ Beach, David (1980). "The Mutapa state". The Shona & Zimbabwe 900-1850: An Outline of Shona History. Pearson Education. ISBN 978-0-435-94505-3.
- ^ a b c d Roufe, Gai (2015). "The Reasons for a Murder: Local Cultural Conceptualizations of the Martyrdom of Gonçalo da Silveira in 1561". Cahiers d'Études Africaines. 55 (219): 467–487. ISSN 0008-0055.
- ^ a b c d Oliver, page 208
- ^ Stewart, page 190
- ^ Hall, page 133
- ^ a b c d e f g h Mudenge, S. I. G. (1988). "The Economic Base of the Mutapa State". A Political History of Munhumutapa, c. 1400–1902. Zimbabwe Publishing House. ISBN 0949932302.
- ^ Oliver, page 209
- ^ a b c d e Mudenge, S. I. G. (1988). "Central/Court institutions". A Political History of Munhumutapa, c. 1400–1902. Zimbabwe Publishing House. ISBN 0949932302.
- ^ Roufe, Gai; Miller, Joseph (2020). "African Voices Echoing in European Texts: The Muffled Meanings of the Madzimbabwe of the Mocaranga between the Sixteenth and the Nineteenth Centuries". History in Africa. 47 (5).
- ^ Auret, Diana (1 January 1982). "The Mhondoro spirits of supratribal significance in the culture of the Shona". African Studies. 41 (2): 173–187. doi:10.1080/00020188208707585. ISSN 0002-0184.
- ^ a b c Mudenge, S. I. G. (1988). "Religious, Military, and Diplomatic Organization and Usages in the Mutapa State". A Political History of Munhumutapa, c. 1400–1902. Zimbabwe Publishing House. ISBN 0949932302.
- ^ Oliver, page 205
Sources
[edit]- Bairoch, Paul (1991). Cities and economic development: from the dawn of history to the present. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. p. 596. ISBN 0-226-03466-6.
- Oliver, Roland; Atmore, Anthony (1975). Medieval Africa 1250–1800. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. pp. 738. ISBN 0-521-20413-5.
- Owomoyela, Oyekan (2002). Culture and customs of Zimbabwe. Westport: Greenwood Publishing Group. pp. 163. ISBN 0-313-31583-3.
- Stewart, John (1989). African States and Rulers. Jefferson: McFarland & Company, Inc. pp. 395. ISBN 0-89950-390-X.
- Beach, D. N. (1976). "The Mutapa Dynasty: A Comparison of Documentary and Traditional Evidence". History in Africa. 3: 1–17. doi:10.2307/3171558. JSTOR 3171558..
- D.N. Beach, Review: The Mutapa State by D.N. Beach. The Journal of African History. 17(2): 311-313.
Further reading
[edit]- Elkiss, T.H. The Quest for an African Eldorado: Sofala, Southern Zambezia, and the Portuguese, 1500–1865. Waltham, MA: Crossroads Press, 1981.
- Mutapa Empire
- Former monarchies of Africa
- Pre-colonial history of Zimbabwe
- History of Mozambique
- States and territories established in the 15th century
- 1760 disestablishments in Africa
- States and territories established in 1430
- States and territories disestablished in 1760
- 15th-century establishments in Africa
- Ophir
- Great Zimbabwe
- States and territories disestablished in 1888